During Windrush Month 2024 we explore the key events, figures, and legislation that shaped the Black civil rights movement in Britain from 1940 to 1970. This timeline highlights the struggle for racial justice and equality in the UK, tracing the activism, legislation, and cultural shifts driven by the Windrush generation and other communities that shaped Black British identity and laid the foundations for today’s multicultural Britain. 1940s: Legal Precedents and a New Beginning 1940 – Colour bar on military officers begins to be dismantled During the Second World War, sustained campaigning by groups such as the League of Coloured Peoples and the West African Students Union led to the removal of regulations preventing anyone not of “pure European descent” from becoming an officer in the British armed forces. 1943 – Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Learie Constantine, a West Indian cricketer, wins a landmark legal case after being denied service due to his race — one of the earliest examples of a successful racial discrimination suit in Britain. 1948 – British Nationality Act Grants citizenship to people from British colonies, paving the way for mass migration from the Caribbean and other parts of the Commonwealth. 1948 – Arrival of Empire Windrush (22 June) Nearly 500 Caribbean passengers arrive at Tilbury Docks, marking the beginning of modern multicultural Britain. 1950s: Struggle, Solidarity, and Cultural Resistance 1951 – Death of Dr Harold Moody A significant loss for the early UK civil rights movement. His death marked the end of one era and paved the way for a new generation of leadership. 1957 – David Pitt addresses Labour Party Conference Trinidadian-born Dr David Pitt delivers a forceful speech against racial intolerance – one of the earliest examples of anti-racist politics in a mainstream UK party 1957 – Rent Act fuels housing inequality The national government removes rent controls. Landlords such as Peter Rachman exploit newly arrived Caribbean migrants, who are unable to access fair housing due to widespread discrimination. 1958 – Notting Hill and Nottingham Race Riots Racial tensions erupt as white mobs, including ‘Teddy Boys’, launch violent attacks on Caribbean residents in both Nottingham and London’s Notting Hill. In Notting Hill, Black residents resist fiercely, led notably by ex-Second World War servicemen who defended their communities. These riots sparked a wave of Black-led organising, solidarity, and cultural resistance. 1958 – Claudia Jones launches The West Indian Gazette First major Black British newspaper advocating for civil rights, anti-colonialism, and Pan-African solidarity. It served as a platform for the Black community, amplifying their voices and addressing issues of racism and inequality. 1958 – West Indian Standing Conference (WISC) formed Established to unify Caribbean community organisations and address discrimination in housing and employment. Formed in response to the Notting Hill riots. 1959 – Claudia Jones organises Britain’s first Caribbean Carnival Claudia Jones hosts a carnival at St Pancras Town Hall, celebrating Caribbean culture and unity. It was both a political response to the 1958 race riots and a joyful expression of resistance — laying the foundation for what would later become the Notting Hill Carnival. 1959 – Kelso Cochrane is murdered in Notting Hill The Antiguan carpenter’s fatal stabbing, believed to be racially motivated, triggers national outrage. No one is ever charged, and the case remains unsolved to this day. 1959 – David Pitt runs for Parliament in Hampstead Becomes one of the first Black parliamentary candidates, though unsuccessful. His campaign challenges the political status quo. 1960s: From Protest to Policy 1962 – Commonwealth Immigrants Act This act imposes immigration controls on citizens from former British colonies. Though framed as neutral, it disproportionately targeted Black and Asian migrants, marking the start of racially coded immigration policy. November 1962 – West Indian Development Council (WIDC) formed Also known as the Commonwealth Coordinated Committee (CCC) was formed in Bristol to support Caribbean migrants facing systemic discrimination in housing and employment. It plays a key role in the Bristol Bus Boycott. 1963 – Bristol Bus Boycott Led by Paul Stephenson, Roy Hackett, Guy Bailey and others, this campaign successfully challenges a local bus company’s colour bar — a major civil rights victory inspired by the US movement. 1964 – Smethwick General Election campaign The Conservative electoral campaign in Smethwick exploits anti-immigrant sentiment, with one slogan — now infamous — laying bare the open racism in British politics at the time. . The incident highlights how racial tensions were being mirrored and amplified in mainstream UK politics. December 1964 – Martin Luther King Jr. visits London King meets UK civil rights activists, engaging with immigrant communities, which led to the formation of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD). 12 February 1965 – Malcolm X visits Smethwick Amid growing racial tensions, Malcolm X visits the area shortly before his assassination, spotlighting British racism on an international stage. 1965 – Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) founded Formed after King’s visit, CARD lobbies for anti-discrimination laws and legal reforms. 1965 – CARD’s Green Document submitted This influential document proposes amendments to the upcoming Race Relations Bill, including a conciliatory commission in place of criminal penalties — a key step toward the Race Relations Board. 1965 – Immigration White Paper released Signals more restrictive immigration policies targeting non-white populations. 1965 – First Race Relations Act passed Prohibits racial discrimination in public spaces — a ground breaking but limited piece of legislation. 1966–1970: Radicalisation, Policing, and Legal Expansion 1966 – Asquith Xavier breaks British Rail colour bar After a public campaign, Xavier becomes the first Black train guard at London Euston, defeating a racist ban on non-white employees. 1966 – CARD launches Summer Project Monitors enforcement of the Race Relations Act, revealing continued discrimination in housing and employment. 1966 - Race Relations Board was established Created to resolve complaints under the 1965 Act through conciliation, following CARD’s recommendation for a non-criminal route to justice. It was composed of three members appointed by the Home Secretary. 1967 – First convictions under Race Relations Act A 17-year-old from the National Socialist Party is found guilty of racial discrimination. Colin Jordan, the party’s leader, is later jailed for inciting hatred. 1967 – CARD petitioned the BBC to axe the Black & White Minstrel Show In May 1967, CARD presents a petition calling for the end of the racist show, describing it as offensive and distressing. The BBC refuses, reflecting how media of the time mirrored rather than led social change. 1967 – Stokely Carmichael addresses the Dialectics of Liberation Congress (Roundhouse in London) The famed US Black Power leader inspires young Black British activists to organise around self-determination. 1967 – Universal Coloured People's Association (UCPA) founded The UK’s first Black Power group was founded on 5 June 1967 at a meeting of 76 members of the Black British community in Notting Hill, London. 1967 – Mangrove Restaurant opens in Notting Hill Founded by Frank Crichlow, the Mangrove quickly becomes a political and cultural hub that would later become central to the Mangrove Nine case. 1968 – Second Commonwealth Immigrants Act passed This law tightened immigration rules, making people from Commonwealth countries without a parent or grandparent born in Britain subject to the same controls as non-Commonwealth migrants. It was widely seen as targeting East African Asians and Caribbean communities, and criticised for its racist intent. 1968 – Second Race Relations Act Expands anti-discrimination protections to housing, employment, and public services. 1968 – British Black Panthers founded Formed in Notting Hill by Obi Egbuna, later joined by Altheia Jones-LeCointe and Darcus Howe. The group campaigns against police brutality, racism, and economic inequality. December 1968 – Obi Egbuna arrested and convicted Charged with incitement following an essay on police violence, his case underscores the state’s response to radical Black organising. Leadership of the Panthers passes to Altheia Jones-LeCointe. 1969 – George Padmore Black Supplementary School opens Established by John La Rose and others in response to the racism in education, it later expands into the Black Parents Movement. 1969 – The Race Today political magazine founded The magazine was founded by the Race Today Collective, becoming a leading organ for Black and Asian politics in 1970s Britain. November 1969 – Civil Rights activist Olive Morris is assaulted under the SUS laws On 15th November, Olive Morris is physically assaulted by police while defending a Nigerian diplomat wrongly accused of stealing his own car in Brixton. Her treatment spotlights the discriminatory use of the Vagrancy Act 1824, which allowed police to arrest anyone merely “suspected” of a crime — disproportionately targeting Black youth and sparking wider protests and campaigns for its repeal. 1970: The Movement Hits the Courts 1970 – Mangrove Nine trial begins Nine Black activists are tried after protesting repeated police raids on the Mangrove Restaurant. The trial becomes historic: for the first time, a British court acknowledges evidence of racial bias within the police. The case marks a generational shift — the younger members of the Windrush generation take a central role in the struggle for justice.   Legacy: Foundations for the Future The period between 1940 and 1970 laid the groundwork for the modern Black British civil rights movement. Through protest, legal challenges, community organising, and cultural expression, generations of activists confronted systemic racism and demanded recognition, justice, and equality. The efforts of individuals and organisations during this era reshaped Britain’s legal, political, and cultural landscape — making it possible for future generations to continue pushing for racial justice. Their legacy endures in today’s struggles against discrimination and in the ongoing fight to fully realise the promise of a truly inclusive society.   Sources: The case of Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Paul, Kathleen. Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era . Cornell University Press, 1997.  Phillips, Mike. Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi-Racial Britain . HarperCollins, 1998. Williams, John. Harold Moody: A Biography . Manchester University Press, 1987. Source: Hall, Stuart. Black Britain: A Photographic History . Reportage Press, 2007Gilroy, Paul. There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation . Routledge, 1991. Rose, Arnold. David Pitt: A Political Biography . Manchester University Press, 2001. Archer, John. Rachman: The Man and the Myth . Lawrence & Wishart, 1977. Panton, Frances. “The Notting Hill Riots.” Race & Class , Vol. 10, No. 3, 1969, pp. 321–336. Borland, Katherine. “Claudia Jones and the Making of the Notting Hill Carnival.” Journal of Caribbean History , 2006. Fryer, Peter. Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain . Pluto Press, 1984. Sherwood, Marika. After Empire: Scott-Britain and Postcolonial Britain . Routledge, 2003. Philpott, Mike. “The 1964 Smethwick Election.” Race & Class , 1993. Simon, John. King in London: Martin Luther King's Visits to Britain . London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2015. Saghal, Siddhartha. “Anti-racist organising in the UK: The history of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination.” Race & Class , 2013. Saghal, Siddhartha. Race, Resistance and the Law: Policing Black Communities in the UK . 2017. Hall, Stuart. “The Politics of Race and the British Railways.” New Left Review , 1967. Gikandi, Simon, and Ralph J. Crane, editors. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness . Harvard University Press, 1999. Leighton, Tanya. The Mangrove Nine Trial . History Workshop Journal, 1980. Bryan, Beverley. “Olive Morris: Radical Revolutionary.” Feminist Review , 2000. Bryan, Beverley. “Race Today: A Radical Magazine in the 1970s.” New Formations , 2001.

Every year on the 22nd June the UK commemorates the contributions of Caribbean people to the post-war economy on Windrush Day . This year, we're not only marking the day itself but celebrating the entire month as Windrush Month. On 1st June, we launched our theme for the month: Legacies of Change - From Windrush to Justice , marking the 50th anniversary of the 1965 Race Relations Act. The Windrush Generation made a profound impact on British society. They contributed significantly to rebuilding the country after the World War II and played a key role in shaping today's multicultural Britain. Their efforts were instrumental in advancing race relations and helping to establish anti-discrimination laws that promoted racial equality in the UK. Their cultural influence is also deeply felt - in music, politics, cuisine and sport. Today, their descendants continue to enrich British culture, underscoring the importance of celebrating the Windrush Generation and their lasting legacy. Throughout the month, we'll be highlighting key individuals and events that shaped the movement toward racial equality in Britain - from civil rights activists like Claudia Jones and Paul Stephenson to pivotal moments such as the Bristol Bus Boycott , which was central to the passing of Britain's first racial law, the 1965 Race Relations Act, which made 'racial discrimination unlawful in public places.' How will it be commemorated in 2025? Windrush Month is a great opportunity for people from all backgrounds to learn about the evolution of modern multicultural Britain and the pivotal role the Windrush Generation played in its making. The Voice  newspaper will be covering Windrush Day and the wider Windrush commemorations throughout June, as part of its ongoing coverage of the Windrush Generation and their legacy. Please check your local authority’s website for news on any exhibitions or events they’re holding in commemoration of Windrush Month or UK Black History. You can also visit the websites of your local museum or cultural institutions for details of special events. Who is the IBHM Heritage International? IBHM Heritage International was founded in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons passionate about investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s Black past. In a time when Britain has become more divided, we are committed to building a more united and cohesive society by championing the contributions of Black Britons to UK history, culture, and the economy. This commitment is reflected in our efforts to document and celebrate Black British achievements, both within the Black community and across the wider UK population. We’re dedicated to raising the profile of Windrush Day and Month, as well as UK Black History Month. We also champion Black British history throughout the year, ensuring that a Black perspective is included in events such as Pride Month and Remembrance Day. Our CEO, Angela, explains: “We set up this organisation to ensure that high-quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History, in an authentic voice that belongs to us.” We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hosts Black UK history events throughout the year. While we receive some funding from the government and funding bodies, we are largely dependent on the support of our community to continue our work.

As Britain contends with the fallout from the Bradford riots, Labour’s strategic shift to the right — aimed at regaining disillusioned working-class voters — has sparked fierce debate. The return of Nigel Farage, now buoyed by Reform UK’s rising popularity, has once again thrust immigration to the forefront of national politics. But this isn’t new. In this blog post, we explore our Windrush timeline to revisit the 1964 General Election, when a bitter campaign in a small West Midlands town became a defining moment in modern British race relations. The Smethwick election of that year is still remembered as one of the most openly racist political contests in British history. Sixty years ago, immigration — then as now — acted as a lightning rod for deeper economic and social anxieties. Smethwick, a modest town on the edge of the Black Country, became the epicentre of a backlash rooted in fear, fuelled by demographic change, and cynically exploited by political opportunists. What unfolded there uncannily mirrors the political theatre of today: culture wars dressed as policy debates, race used as a stand-in for class, and populism cloaked as patriotism. A Snapshot of a Divided Town In 1964, Smethwick was a working-class constituency with a proud industrial past and a growing immigrant population, particularly from the Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent. Although similar demographic shifts were taking place in cities like London, Birmingham and Manchester, it was Smethwick that came to symbolise Britain’s racial fault lines. The sitting MP, Labour’s Patrick Gordon Walker — a well-educated former Commonwealth Secretary — had held the seat since 1945. Yet despite a national swing towards Labour that year, Smethwick bucked the trend. He was defeated — and not narrowly — by the Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths, a grammar school-educated populist whose campaign became one of the most infamous in British political history. The Slogan That Shamed a Nation Posters emerged bearing the now-notorious slogan: “If you want a n ** r for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied authoring or endorsing the slogan, claiming it was the work of far-right extremists. Yet he refused to condemn it — and, in doing so, benefitted politically. The swing to the Conservatives in Smethwick was 7.2%, compared to a national 3.5% swing towards Labour. This wasn’t just about prejudice. It was a calculated strategy. The Conservatives, eager to claw back working-class support, had found a wedge issue: immigration. Much like Farage’s dog-whistle politics today, race became a proxy for economic insecurity and cultural change. And Labour — much like now — appeared either ill-equipped or unwilling to push back effectively. More Than Racism — But Not Less Than That To dismiss Smethwick solely as a racist outburst is to overlook the broader context — though racism was undeniably present. The 1960s were marked by economic decline, rising unemployment, and a growing sense that the post-war consensus was unravelling. Deindustrialisation loomed. Living standards were under pressure from pay freezes, inflation and devaluation. Industrial unrest surged. In Place of Strife , Labour’s failed attempt to curb union power, became a byword for political ineptitude. Lightning strikes paralysed key industries — with more working days lost than at any time since the General Strike of 1926. This fuelled a nationwide mood of anxiety and disaffection. It was within this climate of insecurity that immigration became a scapegoat. Housing was scarce. Jobs were no longer guaranteed. For many in places like Smethwick, the fear wasn’t of “foreigners” per se — it was the belief that hard-won rights and resources were slipping away. The danger lies in framing this solely as a matter of race. The radicalisation of immigration debates often masked deeper unease — about fairness, class, and national decline. Contemporary surveys support this view. The Rose Report (late 1960s) found that 73% of the British public were either tolerant or leaning towards tolerance of immigrants. Similarly, an analysis of Enoch Powell’s infamous postbag by researcher Geoffrey Spearman found that most letters expressed economic anxiety or cultural confusion — not explicit racism. Immigrants were not the cause of Britain’s post-war challenges. But they became the most visible symbol of change — and thus the most convenient to blame. Then, as now, the immigration debate often conceals a deeper fear: that the social fabric is unravelling and no one is listening. From Powell to Farage: The Racialisation of Class Discontent Griffiths’ victory was a prelude to Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood”  speech just four years later — a moment that took racialised political rhetoric to the national stage. Today, Nigel Farage picks up that torch, albeit in the language of “control”, “integration”, and “pressure on services”. It’s no coincidence that Labour now tailors its messages to appeal to Reform UK voters, invoking “common sense” and “pragmatic” border policies. This isn’t a repeat of Smethwick — but it certainly rhymes. The slogans may have disappeared and the language may be more polite, but the dynamic is familiar: race and migration weaponised in a struggle for the soul of the working class. Why Revisiting Smethwick Matters Smethwick is a cautionary tale. When mainstream parties fail to challenge racism directly — or worse, co-opt its logic in the name of electoral strategy — the consequences endure. What happened in 1964 shaped how race and immigration would be politicised in the UK for decades. Today’s Labour Party, still wrestling with its ideological identity, would do well to heed that history. So too would the media, which often flattens complex debates into simplistic binaries — pro-immigration vs anti — while ignoring the structural failures that feed resentment. Revisiting Smethwick isn’t about nostalgia or blame. It’s about choices. It reminds us that immigration will always be debated — but how it is debated, and whose voices are included, will shape the country’s future. Smethwick matters not just because of what was said or who won, but because it marked a turning point — the moment British politics first openly exploited racial anxiety for political gain. And it showed just how effective that strategy could be when combined with economic hardship and social unrest. But Smethwick also reminds us of the danger of simplification. Yes, racism was there. But so were issues of housing, wages, community and identity — the complicated, lived experience of people struggling to adapt to change. We should remember that now. Condemning voters, or reducing national conversations to “tolerant” vs “racist”, risks missing the nuance — again. Because unless we confront the real causes of disaffection — and resist the temptation to answer complex questions with slogans and scapegoats — we risk becoming trapped in a cycle of political déjà vu. Revisiting the past, without ever truly learning from it.

Reverend Clive Foster MBE has been appointed as the UK’s first Windrush Commissioner, a major step in the government’s commitment to right the wrongs of the Windrush scandal and ensure victims' voices are heard at every stage of reform. The announcement comes ahead of Windrush Day on 22 June, marking 77 years since the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush and celebrating the Windrush generation’s extraordinary contribution to Britain. A New Independent Role for Change The Windrush Commissioner is a new, independent role created to oversee the government’s response to the scandal. Reverend Foster will serve a three-year term, working three days a week. His job will be to hold the government to account, particularly around the Windrush Compensation Scheme, and to make sure the cultural and systemic changes promised are delivered across Whitehall. “I’m honoured to take on the role,” said Reverend Foster. “Justice must be delivered — not just in words but through real, visible change. The Windrush generations gave so much to this country and deserve better than the treatment they received.” A Personal Connection to the Windrush Story Reverend Foster is a senior pastor at Pilgrim Church in Nottingham, a long-time community leader and campaigner, and the founder of the Nottingham Windrush Support Forum. His parents migrated from Jamaica in 1959, giving him direct ties to the Windrush generation. He also serves as Vice Chair of the Windrush National Organisation. “The injustices faced by the Windrush generations must never be repeated,” he said. “That means action, accountability, and reform. I will carry out this role independently and ensure scrutiny leads to real improvement.” Government Response Under Pressure The Windrush scandal came to light in 2018, revealing that hundreds of long-settled Commonwealth citizens had been wrongly detained, deported, or denied access to work, housing, and healthcare. Despite being invited to Britain legally between 1948 and 1971, many were unable to prove their status due to a lack of official documentation. The consequences were devastating: people lost their homes, jobs, healthcare access, and in some cases, their liberty.   The government’s response — especially the Windrush Compensation Scheme — has been criticised as slow, bureaucratic, and inadequate. Campaigners have long called for an independent process, noting that at least 64 claimants have died before receiving any compensation. Rebuilding Trust, Delivering Justice The new Labour government pledged to speed up justice for victims of the Windrush Scandal and ensure the mistakes of the past are never repeated as part of the election manifesto. Alongside Reverend Foster’s appointment, it has re-established the Windrush Unit and committed £1.5 million in new funding to help people navigate the compensation process. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said: “The Windrush generations are part of the fabric of our nation. This government is absolutely determined to right the wrongs they suffered. “I’m delighted to welcome Reverend Clive Foster as our Windrush Commissioner. His lived experience, deep community roots, and dedication to justice make him the right person to lead this work.” A Role to Honour and Celebrate While focused on securing justice, Reverend Foster also sees the role as a chance to honour the Windrush legacy. “The Windrush generations should not be defined by a scandal,” he said. “They should be recognised for their strength, resilience, and incredible contribution to the UK. Now is the time to celebrate and uplift that story.”. Photo Credit: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/reverend-clive-foster-appointed-as-first-windrush-commissioner

Every year on the 22nd June the UK commemorates the contributions of Caribbean people to the post-war economy on Windrush Day . We’ll not only recognise the day but celebrate the whole of the month as Windrush Month , and this year we’ll be exploring the lives and impact of the Windrush generation through our theme ‘Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of 1940s and 1950s Britain.' ​ The HMT Empire Windrush is widely recognised today for bringing one of the first large groups of post-war West Indian immigrants to the United Kingdom. However, the Empire Windrush wasn't the only ship. In fact, there are two ships documented to have sailed from the Caribbean to the UK  before the Windrush’s arrival in June 1948. We'll be taking a closer look at this story and also examining the lives of some of the early Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s and 1950s such as: Sam King ,  Althea McNish and David Pitt, Baron Pitt of Hampstead . ​

The first of February marks the start of Pride month in the UK. Throughout the month of February, join us in learning about the Black Britons who have led the way in LGBT+ history in the UK and explore stories behind some of these Black Britons. Remember, you can explore Black British History beyond a designated month and we’re committed to helping guide you through your journey learning about UK Black History all throughout the year. Start your journey today by learning about Black British LGBT+ trailblazers: Ivor Cummings, Pearl Alcock, Justin Fashanu, and Olive Morris. Check out our social media accounts or subscribe to our monthly e-newsletter for regular updates!

February the first marks the start of Black History Month in several countries including the USA, Canada, and Germany. Across the Black diaspora, February is recognised as Black History Month in the United States, Canada, United Kingdom and Germany. Black History Month originated from the United States, created by historian Carter G. Woodson to celebrate and highlight the contributions of Black Americans in U.S. history while combating anti-Black racism in the US. It began as Black History Week in February 1926 and was later expanded by Black educators at Kent State University to a month long event in 1970. Since 1976, every US president has designated February as Black History Month. In the United States, Woodson's organisation, now known as the Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) , designates a theme each year. This year's theme is 'African Americans and Labour,' which explores the profound ways in which all types of work - free and unfree, skilled, and unskilled, vocational and voluntary – intersect with the experiences, history, and culture of Black people. The Black History Month initiative has been adopted by other countries, including Canada , the United Kingdom, and Germany, as a means of tackling anti-Black racism and educating their populations about the significant contributions of Black people to each country's history and culture. , In Canada, their theme for Black History Month 2025 is 'Black Legacy and Leadership: Celebrating Canadian History and Uplifting Future Generations.' This theme acknowledges the diversity of Black Canadians, the importance of Black leadership and the legacy being built for future generations. Throughout February, join us in learning about the Black Americans who have contributed to the lives and culture of the United Kingdom. For example, Ira Alridge , Britain’s first Black Shakespearean actor, jazz singer Adelaide Hall , a household name in 1930s and 1940s Britain who supported the British war effort, and Amanda Aldridge , a British opera singer and prolific composer of romantic 'parlour music.' Or explore our features on James Baldwin , Mama Cox , and find out about the 2WW Black American army troops in our articles: The Six Triple Eight movie celebrates the forgotten African American female army unit and African American GIs in the UK during 2WW - crossing the colour bar. You can also check out our media recommendations for the month. Remember, you can explore Black British History beyond just one month. We're committed to helping guide you on your journey of learning about UK Black History throughout the entire year. Check out our social media accounts or subscribe to our monthly e-newsletter for regular updates!

Una Marson was one of Jamacia's most influential feminist thinkers. She was a poet, playwright, editor, activist and broadcaster. On the 10th October 2021, Google Doodle , illustrated by UK-based guest artist Sarah Madden , celebrates one of Jamaica’s most influential feminist thinkers—the writer, advocate, and broadcaster Una Marson . Marson was the first Black woman to be employed as a radio producer at the BBC, where she recorded several significant interviews including one with swing band icon Ken “Snakehips” Johnson, which took place on this day in 1940. Una Marson was born on February 6, 1905, in Santa Cruz, Jamaica. Marson became Jamaica’s first woman magazine publisher and editor in 1928 when she established “The Cosmopolitan”—a publication focused on gender issues and social injustice. The inspiration she drew from London’s political and literary climate led her to move to the city in 1933. Shocked by the racism she encountered, she started fighting for equal rights alongside fellow Caribbean immigrant Dr. Harold Moody , the founder of civil rights group The League of Coloured Peoples. Marson returned home in 1936 to cultivate a new generation of Jamaican writers. While writing her own poetry and plays—which she often self-financed—she founded Jamaica’s Save the Children Fund. After relocating again to England in 1938, she took a position at the BBC, where she worked with George Orwell, read her poetry alongside T.S. Eliot, and produced the popular weekly program “Calling the West Indies.” First broadcast in 1943, it featured poems and short stories by Caribbean authors, giving an international platform and voice to writers such as Samuel Selvon . It also publicized both a woman's perspective to the largely male-dominated Black Internationalist Movement and a culturally relevant voice to Britain's growing Caribbean community. Marson’s literary contributions are not widely known, and even less is known of her later life. However, it was her writing and poetry that influenced the broadcasting she is best known for, and has broadened her legacy for future generations to discover. In 2009, her achievements were celebrated with an installation of a Blue Plaque—which honors individuals who have had great impacts on their community and beyond—at her former home in London’s Brunswick Park. Here’s to a cultural groundbreaker—thank you Una Marson!

Close to three million American servicemen and women passed through Britain during the Second World War. Their arrival was heralded as a ‘friendly invasion’ when the first American GIs landed on Britain’s shores in 1942 bringing with them candy, Coca-Cola, cigarettes, nylons, and racial segregation. In his essays George Orwell alluded to the oft-quoted assertion that American GIs were “oversexed, overpaid and over here”. But he qualified this with the observation that: “the general consensus of opinion is that the only American soldiers with decent manners are Negroes.” Around 240,000 of the US troops who came to Britain were African Americans. Unlike their fellow American comrades, who took on the full suite of responsibilities offered by the military from commanders to combat troops to cooks, Black GIs were largely consigned to service and supply roles. Black construction engineers, for example, were among some of the first US Army Air Force units to arrive in Britain in 1942. They were tasked with building the airfields from which vast fleets of American bombers and fighters would be launched as part of the Allied aerial campaign. The work was characterised by long hours of physical labour, and uncomfortable accommodation, made all the worse by the British weather, but it’s importance in facilitating the American war effort cannot be overstated. They built airbases, including Lakenheath and Mildenhall. Most were in labour companies, engineers, stevedores and transport units. Many were based in the Bristol area because of the docks there. They had their barracks in Bedminster, Brislington, Henleaze, Shirehampton and the Muller Orphanage at Ashley Down. Before the first American troops arrived in 1942, the Black population of Britain – around 8,000 to 10,000 people – was largely congregated in urban port areas. American troops, on the other hand, would be stationed all over the UK. They were posted in rural towns and villages from the Yorkshire Moors to the Forest of Dean to the Somerset Levels; in the southwest they were preparing for the D-day landings. Churchill’s Tory government were apprehensive about how British society might react to a segregated foreign force arriving on their shores and asked the US government to not send Black GIs but they declined. Realising that the arrival of strictly segregated American battalions would introduce formal apartheid to British soil, the government found itself in a bind. Not wanting to alienate its desperately needed new ally, but also not wanting to undermine its propaganda efforts in the empire, the war cabinet fudged the issue. The British authorities would not organise segregated facilities nor enforce segregation in non-US Army facilities. In response the US Army administration encouraged separate days during the week for black and white troops to have leave passes. The US military actively developed a policy that involved the segregation of many facilities in Britain. For example, two separate Red Cross centres existed in Bristol: St George Street for black GIs; and Berkeley Square for whites. This uneasy pragmatic accommodation of segregation was reflected in other areas of society. On a local level, business-owners were often concerned that if they didn’t respect the segregationist rules of the US armed forces, they would lose American custom altogether. Since the arrival of the American troops had resulted in an uplift in the UK war torn economy. As the first African American journalist to cover the war overseas, Roi Ottley wrote in 1942: ‘When the manager of a restaurant was questioned recently about refusing service to a Negro soldier, he had a ready answer. “White Americans say they will not patronize my place if Negroes were served.” In 1943, African American servicemen were banned from a bar in Bath in an attempt to appease white American soldiers. While in August of the same year, the Trinidadian professional cricketer, Learie Constantine and his family’s hotel reservation was cut short because of complaints from white American miliary serviceman. Learie, famously sued the hotel and was awarded damages. In contrast, attitudes of the British public toward African American troops were initially favourable despite the existence of an unofficial colour bar operating in Britain. Reports from the Home Intelligence Unit (set up in November 1939 to monitor British morale) frequently mentioned people’s appreciation of "the extremely pleasing manners of the coloured troops". They were seen as less boastful and bumptious than their white counterparts. Although they certainly encountered prejudice, Britain did not have mandated racial Jim Crow laws of the United States, and the African American soldiers were generally welcomed as allies in the fight against fascism. Roi Ottley, writing in the Chicago magazine Negro Digest in 1942, said that “amicable and smooth relations” had soon developed between “the Negro troops and their British hosts”. The British, he said, were “inclined to accept a man for his personal worth”. He quotes a soldier saying: “I’m treated so a man don’t know he’s coloured until he looks in the mirror.” Qualifying it with “The fact is, the British do draw racial distinctions, but not within the doors of the British Isles – at least not until the arrival of the white American soldiers. This is not to say the British are without racial prejudice. They do have it in a subtle form. But, in the main, it is confined to colonial and military officials who have spent their lives administering affairs in the coloured colonies and derive their incomes from them.” The African American servicemen were welcomed into the leisure time of their British hosts in ways that spread solidarity. A former GI, Cleother Hathcock, remembers: “At that time the Jitterbug was in and the blacks would get a buggin’ and the English just loved that. We would go into a dance hall and just take over the place because everybody wanted to learn how to do that American dance, the Jitterbug. They went wild over that." Because the freedoms enjoyed by African Americans conflicted with the de facto segregation of US forces, and the attitudes of the white majority, particularly Southerners. The fact that white women mixed with and dated black men – taboo in the US – infuriated some servicemen. Captain Vernon Gayle Alexander, a pilot from Kentucky, complained: “The blacks were dating the white girls and consequently if you went on a date [with] a white girl you don’t know if she’d been out with a coloured boy the night before or whether she hadn’t.” In some cases, US military police (MPs) tried to enforce segregation, by restricting entry to local pubs, or designating social nights as white or “coloured”. Irking some British locals. In Cambridge, when US troops tried to impose a colour bar, the landlords responded with signs that read: “Black Troops Only”. There were frequent clashes between black and white GIs. Usually between MPs trying to enforce discriminatory rules and African American soldiers – with the latter supported by British bystanders. According to Professor Alan Rice of the University of Central Lancashire, there were 44 such clashes between November 1943 and February 1944 alone. The most well-known being the Park Street Riot in Bristol , a racial incident in September 1943 in Launceston in Cornwall and the Battle of Bamber Bridge in Lancashire . The latter was incorporated into the plot of the recent The Railway Children Returns sequel. Fist fights almost always broke out when black and white GIs were drinking in the same pub. There were some shootings, most by whites against blacks. (Major General Ira Eaker, commander of the Eighth Air Force, declared that white troops were responsible for 90 per cent of the trouble), and a few killings — all covered up by the army. A US survey of soldiers' mail during the war revealed that white troops were particularly indignant about the public association of white women with black soldiers, which was unremarkable in Britain. However, when British women started having relationships with African American GIs, the Home Intelligence Report in August 1942 noted: "adverse comment is reported over girls who 'walk out' with coloured troops". If women in relationships with African American Black GIs went on to have children, they frequently faced a barrage of criticism. By October 1943 the Home Intelligence Unit was mentioning people’s rising concern about "the growing number of illegitimate babies, many of coloured men." It is estimated that approximately 2,000 ‘brown babies’ were born in Britain during the war and nearly all of them were illegitimate. Every American serviceman had to receive permission to marry from his commanding officer (who in the UK were nearly all white) with avoidance a court-martialled offence. But for an African American GI wanting to marry a white British woman, permission was invariably refused. According to former GI Ormus Davenport, writing after the war, the US Army "unofficially had a 'gentleman's agreement' which became in practice official policy. The agreement said 'No negro soldier or sailor will be given permission to marry any British white girl!'... Not one GI bride going back to the US under the US government scheme is the wife of a Negro". If pushed, the commanding officers would mention that in the US, 30 of the (then) 48 States had anti-miscegenation laws, forbidding marriage between white and Black people. The experience of African American soldiers in Britain during the Second World War, perfectly encapsulates the UK’s complex relationship to race. As writer Afua Hirsch wrote in the Guardian newspaper: “That this racism was allowed to play itself out on British soil is a stain on the record of Britain’s government, with its cowardly failure to protect not just British law, but also the many Black British and colonial subjects who found themselves caught up in the hostile attitudes of white Americans.” Whilst the vast majority of the UK public warmly welcomed the African American soldiers as fellow fighters against fascism. In fact, in 2010 researchers found that the presence of African American soldiers in the UK and subsequent encounters with the local population had been shown to have reduced racial prejudice against Black people, even decades later in those rural areas. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Park_Street_riot#:~:text=During%20World%20War%20II%2C%20African,because%20of%20the%20docks%20there https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/aug/05/an-american-uprising-in-second-world-war-england-by-kate-werran-review https://www.iwm.org.uk/history/they-treated-us-royally-the-experiences-of-black-americans-in-britain-during-the-second-world-war https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantine_v_Imperial_Hotels_Ltd https://theconversation.com/black-troops-were-welcome-in-britain-but-jim-crow-wasnt-the-race-riot-of-one-night-in-june-1943-98120 https://www.theweek.co.uk/news/history/957502/the-battle-of-bamber-bridge https://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/stories/brown-babies-of-second-world-war David Schindler, Mark Westcott, Shocking Racial Attitudes: Black G.I.s in Europe, The Review of Economic Studies, Volume 88, Issue 1, January 2021, Pages 489–520, https://doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdaa039

Black History Month UK 2023 'Before Windrush' - exploring the lives and stories of B lack Britons who were living in the UK before the arrival of Empire Windrush in 1948. From Princess Marina, Duchess of Kent to Princess Alice of Greece, princess nurses have gifted their talents to hospitals and medicine, particularly during wartime. However, missing from this history of royal altruism are the African princesses – notably Princess Omo-Oba Adenrele Ademola. (1) Princess Adenrele Ademola or Omo-Oba Adenrele Ademola was born in Nigeria on 2 January 1916. She was the daughter of Ladapo Ademola, the Alake of Abeokuta. She arrived in Britain on 29 June 1935, and initially stayed at the West African Students’ Union's hostel in Camden Town. This space acted as a haven for Ademola, as it did for many other African students and visitors during the early 20th century. It is here that she attended social events and committees, and the Africa Hostel is noted as her residence address until she returned to Lagos temporarily in 1936. (1) During her early career in Britain, Ademola balanced her role as a princess with the demands of her vocation as a nurse. As a princess, she returned to England in 1937 with her father and brother, Prince Ademola III (the future Chief Justice for the Federation of Nigeria) for the coronation of King George, staying at the Grosvenor Hotel, London. (1) While it’s unclear whether Princess Ademola attended the coronation of George VI on 12 May 1937, she attended many royal social events from May to July 1937, including royal garden parties at Buckingham Palace and a royal gathering hosted by her father at the Mayfair Hotel, in May 1937. She also conducted royal visits to the Mayor and Mayoress of London at Mansion House and notably the Carreras cigarette factory in June 1937. It is likely that she continued to attend royal appointments until her father’s departure to Paris in early July 1937. (1) She attended a school in Somerset for two years, and by January 1938 had started training as a nurse at Guy's Hospital. A photograph of Ademola appeared in a 1942 pamphlet about the BBC's international activity. The film ‘Nurse Ademola’ centralised her role as a nurse but is now lost. Made in 1943 or 1944–5, it was a 16mm silent newsreel film in a series for the Colonial Film Unit called The British Empire at War. (2) The Colonial Film Unit was established in 1939 as part of the Ministry of Information to tell “the story of the War with the right propaganda.” During WW2 Britain pumped propaganda into Africa on an unprecedented scale as information offices were established in the colonies and propaganda activities directed and co-ordinated by the Ministry of Information in London. (1) War information and propaganda were communicated via radio broadcasts, touring cinema and loudspeaker vans, the press and through public meetings. The propaganda messages were aimed at keeping Africans war conscious, combatting apathy and ensuring their identification with the allied cause. The Film Unit produced 200 propaganda films on the African continent and closed down in 1955. (1) ‘Nurse Ademola’ played an important part in this as a uniquely feminine perspective. It ‘depicted an African nurse at various phases of training at one of the great London hospitals’, it was said to have inspired many African viewers at its screenings across West Africa. (1) When she arrived with her father in 1937, Princess Ademola was recorded as a ‘midwife’, which epitomises her presence in the historical records after this. In 1939 she was listed as a part of the nursing staff at St Saviour’s ward at Guy’s Hospital, and by 27 June 1941 she was a registered nurse at Guy’s hospital, having passed her nursing examinations after six years of training. (1) From 1941, she moves between hospitals and is recorded at Queen Charlotte’s Maternity Hospital in London before being listed at New End Hospital in Hampstead in December 1942, having passed her Central Midwives Board exam. (1) Ademola's patients apparently called her "fairy" as a term of endearment. "Everyone was very kind to me", she told journalists at the time. At this stage, her last definitive sighting in the archives was in September 1948, before her father’s departure from Nigeria and abdication of the throne. She returned from Lagos with a man believed to be her husband, Timothy Adeola Odutola, a 46-year-old trader. Here she again lists herself as a nurse, residing in Limpsfield, Surrey before moving, accompanied by her husband, to Balmoral Hostel in Queensgate Gardens, South Kensington in 1949. Little is known about her activity after the 1940s, with the last record of her being in 1949, when she was working as a nurse in South Kensington. Despite her royal status, the historical records about Princess Ademola are not detailed or complete. Research on her has been hampered by the haphazard recordings of her personal details such as name and birth dates. For example, The National Archives found five variations of her name whilst researching her. Such challenges are rife when examining Black populations and represent a larger issue: the failure to consider Black people/Black histories a priority. Contemporarily, the lives of Black people were considered ‘second-class’ and therefore detail and accuracy in records were deemed unnecessary. (1) But historians of Black history and community groups such as ourselves and the Young Historians Project, are beginning crucial initiatives to recognise and promote the histories of Black people in the British archives. The National Archives says: African nurses such as Princess Ademola, through their migration, settlement and contribution to British society, hold equal claim to the attentions of historical archives as any Florence Nightingale or Edith Cavell. They must also be recognised for their struggles against social and racial adversity. It is our responsibility to bring forth histories like Princess Ademola’s and transition the narrative of Black women in Britain from the abstract to the celebrated. Sources: https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/african-princess-in-guys-the-story-of-princess-adenrele-ademola/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Omo-Oba_Adenrele_Ademola https://www.younghistoriansproject.org/early-women/princess-adenrele-ademola https://www.nursingtimes.net/news/global-nursing/london-trust-shines-a-light-on-inspirational-nigerian-princess-nurse-09-11-2022/ https://www.guysandstthomas.nhs.uk/news/unsung-nigerian-princess-nurse-inspires-todays-nurses The British Colonial Film Unit and sub-Saharan Africa, 1939–1945 by Rosaleen Smyth (1)

Black History Month UK 2023 'Before Windrush' - exploring the lives and stories of B lack Britons who were living in the UK before the arrival of Empire Windrush in 1948. Princess Tsehai Selassie, was the youngest child of Menen Asfaw and Ras Tafari, who would later be known as Emperor Haile Selassie I. She was born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 13 October 1919. From age eight, she attended school in England and Switzerland, and during vacations travelled with her royal relatives to France and Germany, learning each country's language as well as English. Ethiopia, one of only two independent African nations (the other being Liberia) at the time, was invaded on 3 October 1935 by Fascist Italy under Mussolini. He wanted to boost his nation’s prestige which was wounded by its defeat to Ethiopia in the Battle of Adowa in 1896, which saved Ethiopia from Italian colonisation. The Italians committed countless atrocities on the independent African state. Poisonous gas, aerial bombardment, flame throwers, and concentration camps were all employed. They also imposed racial segregation and banned mixed marriage. When she was only 15, she gave an impassioned speech at the League of Nations on behalf of her besieged home nation of Ethiopia that had been invaded by Mussolini’s Fascist Italy. It garnered her international fame. (2) The Young Historians Project writes: Prince Tsehai was an irreverent woman who continued to speak on peace and use her status positively. She gave a speech for the Women’s Peace Crusade, and she was the only woman to speak at the Conference on African Peoples, Democracy and World Peace in 1939, held in London. As a sponsor in the creation of the Ethiopian Women’s Welfare Work Association (EWWWA), she worked to ensure the expansion and provision of health and welfare to Ethiopian people. The Princess and her family were sent to the safety of England by the Emperor after Ethiopia was invaded by Italy in 1935. After failing to get the League of Nations to condemn Italy and impose sanctions, he left Ethiopia to join his family in Bath, England where they lived in exile for five years (1936-1941). Princess Tsehai served as an interpreter for her mother and father, and she also became a spokesperson for her country, speaking before both large and small audiences about the plight of her people. At age 17, Princess Tsehai decided that she wanted to gain an education in nursing and build on the work she had started with the EWWWA. Her father gave his consent. Up until that time, no Ethiopian woman had ever trained as a nurse, and no woman of royal blood had ever worked at a profession. She would eventually return to Ethiopia to open medical centres. An interview was arranged for the Princess with the matron of London’s Great Ormond Street Hospital for Sick Children, where she began training as a resident student nurse in August 1936. (1) Following three years of training and attaining high marks in her final certificate in December 1939, she qualified as a state registered nurse for sick children. Footage showed the Princess smiling during her training on the ward , a figure treated with kindness by her fellow nurses. (2) Tsehai asked for no favors or special treatment, working alongside the other student nurses for the required 56 hours a week and earning a year's salary of £20. (1) On the 25 August 1939, she graduated as a State Registered Children's Nurse, then received permission to continue her studies at London's Guy's Hospital, with the intention of becoming a State Registered General Trained Nurse. (1) With the outbreak of WW2, the Probationers' School of Guy's had been moved to Pembury Hospital, some 29 miles southeast of London, and it was there that she enrolled in February 1940. The temporary housing for students was primitive, with no central heating and minimal sanitary facilities. The princess accepted a room with five other nurses, and when later offered an opportunity to move to a private nurses' home attached to the main hospital, turned it down. "I would not think of leaving the other nurses," she said. "I must be treated like everyone else." (1) After a year at Pembury, during which time the Nazis made their first mass air bombing on London, the Princess was transferred to Farnborough, another base hospital. In March 1941, she was transferred again, to Guy's Hospital in London. (1) She worked at Guy’s Hospital for two years, but on 5 May 1941, months before she was to take her final state examinations, the Princess was ordered by her father to return home with her mother. Three British Red Cross Nurses volunteered to accompany the royal party to help her continue her nursing work in Ethiopia. (2) On May 5, 1941, just months before she was to take her final state examinations, the Princess was ordered by her father to return home with her mother. Three British Red Cross Nurses volunteered to accompany the royal party to help her continue her nursing work in Ethiopia. The journey home took three months, during which time the liberation was completed. The Princess immediately went to work with the British Red Cross unit, setting up headquarters in the town of Dessie, which had suffered a massive air raid. They kept their London friends assessed of their progress through letters, one of which was published in the Nursing Mirror: We are running three large clinics: the largest is at Dessie, where we have an average of 150 patients. The second clinic is at Lake Haik, sixteen miles away—a most lovely place—and the third is at Bartie on the edge of the desert…. The Senior Political officer here at Dessie is quite sure the Unit has been the greatest thing done to help the people, for they were in grave distress. The Princess works in the morning very hard; we do the afternoons and evenings. She also reactivated the Ethiopian Women's Welfare Work Association, which had been shut down during the occupation. In April 1942, she married Lieutenant-General (later Brigadier-General) Lij Abiye Abebe, a former member of the emperor's imperial guard, whom she had met in England. Before leaving to live in the Welega Province, where Abiye was appointed governor there, she told an English journalist that she intended to carry on her work of establishing hospitals and medical service throughout her country. (1) Princess Tsehai did not have the opportunity to achieve her goals. Less than four months after her marriage, on August 17, 1942, she died from complications during childbirth in Lekempti, Ethiopia. Her baby did not survive. (1) Her patients and colleagues at GOSH would remember her fondly, providing glowing testimonials. Following her death, they led a memorial at the GOSH chapel. One matron reflected on her passion for nursing, "Practically her last words to me were: One day I shall open a children’s hospital: you must come and see it." (2) She was buried in the crypt of the Ba'eta Le Mariam Monastery in Addis Ababa that had been built as the mausoleum church of Emperor Menelik II. Emperor Haile Selassie founded the Princess Tsehai Memorial Hospital in her memory, which also served as a nursing school and received funding from her friends in England. After the 1974 revolution, the hospital was renamed the Armed Forces General Hospital. Sources: https://www.encyclopedia.com/women/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/tsahai-haile-selassie-1919-1942 (1) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Princess_Tsehai https://museumandarchives.redcross.org.uk/objects/46898 http://www.rastafari-in-motion.org/princess-tsehai.html https://www.younghistoriansproject.org/early-women/princess-tsahai-selassie (2)

Windrush Month 2024 'Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s & 1950s' - exploring the lives and stories of the the early Caribbean people who came to Britain after the 2WW. The impact of the Caribbean passengers on HMT Windrush can not be ignored or forgotten. These individuals and those who followed in their wings, now referred to as the Windrush generation, opened the door to the multicultural Britain that is taken for granted today. And Sam King is a true proponent of their fighting spirit. He first came to the UK to volunteer to fight in the Second World War and later as a Windrush pioneer who became the first Black mayor of the London borough of Southwark and helped pave the way for Britain’s first multicultural street festival – Notting Hill Carnival. Sam Beaver King was born in the small village of Priestman’s River in the rural parish of Portland in Jamaica on 20 February 1926. He was born into a traditional Christian family and was the second eldest of ten children. As a youngster he worked on his father’s banana farm with the intention of taking over after his dad retired. But the war in Europe meant that his life was going to take a different path. King was planning to go to the United States to work when he spotted an advert in the Daily Gleaner appealing for volunteers for the British army. After passing the RAF test, he and the other men received a month’s basic training at an army camp in Kingston before travelling to the UK. The new recruits arrived in Greenock, near Glasgow, in November 1944. King recalled: "I left Portland, Jamaica, in temperatures of 75F. I landed at Greenock, which was 39F. I thought I was going to die.” Then moved onto RAF Hunmanby Moor in Filey, Yorkshire for technical and combat training. After three months, the men were split up into categories for ground crew training – King was posted to the fighter station RAF Hawking near Folkestone and served as an engineer. “My mother said, ‘Sam, the mother country is at war, go’. Let us get this straight: the Germans wanted to rule the world, and if Hitler had won, they would have put us [black people] in ovens and lit the fire. We had to fight for our own salvation.” Within a few months, King was promoted, and then trained as an aircraft engineer at RAF Locking in Somerset. He had another four postings, finishing in Yorkshire, at RAF Dishforth in Ripon, maintaining transport planes. King said of his war efforts, that the locals were welcoming and the few incidents of racism he experienced were from the American GIs. Indeed, during one posting in Rivenhall in Essex, Fred Seagraves, a serviceman he befriended, took him home to Nottingham to meet his parents. Mr and Mrs Seagraves became Sam’s English ‘Mam and Pap’ with whom he kept in touch until their death’s decades later. (1) In 1947, King’s war service officially came to an end and Sam, then aged 21, succumbed to RAF pressure to return to Jamaica. He had contemplated staying on in Britain after the war but recalled that attitudes suddenly seem to change overnight. “When we were in the uniform, you’re reasonably respected,” he said. When the war was over, they said, ‘What are you doing here? You should go home. I came to help them and now that they have their freedom, they said I should go home." King returned to a colonial Jamaica struggling to recover from the 1944 hurricane – of which an estimated 90% of Jamaica’s banana trees and 41% coconut trees were lost – and high unemployment rates. His family’s banana farm was devastated, and he found it difficult to find work because of the discriminatory racial policies of the British colonial rulers. King said, “I could not see myself making a headway socially or financially at Priestman’s River or in Jamaica for that matter.” He had changed but Jamaica had remained the same. In Tony Sewell’s 1998 book, Keep on Moving – A Windrush Legacy, he elaborated further: “Having been in England and read a few books I decided I could not live in a colony. Everything was done by Westminster through the Governor. Only one man in 10 had the vote and 85 per cent of the land belonged to big English landowners.”  (1) So, King – enticed by another Daily Gleaner advert – booked passage on the Empire Windrush to return to the UK and re-enlist. His family sold three cows to raise funds for a troop deck berth. On board, there was a bit of a holiday atmosphere, and special camaraderie among the RAF veterans. However, he noted in his memoir that there was also enough apprehension about the government turning the ship back that he organised two ex-RAF wireless operators to play dominoes outside the radio room – and monitor incoming messages. (2) King and his fellow West Indian passengers were met by officials from the Ministry of Labour and the Colonial Office. One was, the British civil servant   Ivor Cummings – the first Black official in the British Colonial Office – and of course, a curious British press. The welcome he received on his return was hardly fitting for a British ex-serviceman. Black men who had risked their lives during the war now faced a second battle. In his 1998 autobiography, Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain, King recalled: “The host nation saw the influx as an imposition and became hostile ... The acute shortage of accommodation was the biggest problem facing immigrants who were arriving from the new Commonwealth countries.” (1) King re-enlisted in the RAF in 1948 and served until 1953. While Black service personnel found they were respected and supported when they were in uniform, civvy street was far too often a different story. Racism restricted job opportunities: Mr King applied unsuccessfully to the Metropolitan Police in 1953 – it took them another 14 years to appoint its first Black officer. Racial discrimination also made it extremely difficult for many Black people to find housing — and thereby start putting down roots. (2) In 1950, Mr King, then an RAF corporal, and his brother Wilton attempted to buy a house in Sears Street, Camberwell, but bank officials responded to a mortgage request with a letter suggesting he return to Jamaica. Mr King took the letter to the owner of the house, who was so disgusted that he gave him a mortgage himself. He made him swear on the bible that he would repay the cost of the house – £1,000 – in ten years’ time. He managed to do so in five years with the help of a ‘pardner’, a traditional Caribbean saving scheme, and by renting rooms to other West Indians. The Kings were the second Black family in Southwark to own a home. For other black Caribbean residents, the only way to own a home was to join a ‘pardner’ and Mr King took an active role in setting up many pardners. King left the armed forces in 1953 and joined the post office. No doubt, his status as an army veteran helped ensure that his application was successful, but throughout his career he repeatedly experienced racism. In his autobiography, Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain on his experiences at the South Eastern District Office: “I was not welcomed by some; not a smile crossed the faces of those who were too busy guarding the overtime. I spoke only when necessary. One week into the post, I asked for overtime on the Irish section sorting letters beyond Dublin to Limerick. There, my colleagues saw that I was not as green and naive as they thought. One fellow in particular was most obnoxious whenever I put in for overtime work. He made hurtful remarks and was not co-operative. Others joined in, but I was there to do a job and nothing was going to make me flounder or even show resentment. My performance was far above these petty non-entities. I held fast to my integrity’. King worked for the Royal mail for 34 years, beginning as a postman in Waterloo and ending as senior manager for the South Eastern postal district. (He recalled being greeted with a heckle from a resentful white worker who yelled: “Send ‘em back!” King’s quick-witted riposte was: “I’m all in favour of sending them back, as long as you start with the Mayflower.”). (1) He became involved with the Brixton-based newspapers the West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News, which had been founded in 1958 by the communist Trinidadian journalist Claudia Jones . He was among those who helped her to organise the first Caribbean-style indoor carnival at St Pancras town hall the following year, which laid the foundations for the Notting Hill carnival. (1) Faith played a significant role in his life, and like many African and Caribbean Christians in the 1940s and 1950s, he and his family had to hold their worship gatherings at home due to the racism they faced in British churches. When he and his first wife, Mae, moved to Herne Hill in south London in 1958, they didn't feel welcomed at the local Baptist church and never returned, although they allowed their children to attend Sunday school there. Years later, as the Mayor of Southwark, he was invited as a guest to the same church, and he made sure to be addressed as ‘Your Worship’ and wore his full regalia as Mayor, which he considered as 'poetic justice' for the church to give him the respect and recognition he deserved. He was involved in community activism on migrant welfare issues and was active in the post workers’ union. He joined the Labour party, too, seeing it as a political vehicle that could improve the life of black people. In 1982 he was elected the Labour member of Southwark council for Bellenden ward, Peckham, and a year later, when the Labour party Black Sections campaign for greater representation was formed, he was nominated to become mayor. At the time, the National Front was very active in the area. “[They] let it be known that if Sam King became the mayor of Southwark, they were going to slit my throat and burn down my house. My reply was ... I am not against them slitting my throat, but they must not burn down my house, because it is not a council house.” In 1983, King was elected as Mayor of the London Borough of Southwark, making history as the first Black mayor of Southwark, in the face of abuse and death threats. This milestone came seventy years after John Richard Archer became the first Black mayor of a London borough back in 1913. As Mayor of Southwark, he played an active role in pushing to get the pirate stations playing gospel music to become community radio stations. But this was rejected by the Home Secretary, Leon Brittan, but it didn’t deter him and others, and, in many ways laid the foundation for Premier Christian Radio to be awarded a license years later. Sam, alongside Diane Louise Jordan, was instrumental in organising the first gospel-inspired BBC 'Songs of Praise' at Southwark Cathedral in April 1985. This ground-breaking event allowed the British public to experience gospel music and Pentecostal fellowship on a BBC national show for the first time. The programme also served as a platform for Basil Meade and the London Gospel Community Choir, providing them with national exposure. As a result of the event's success, the BBC began incorporating more gospel music into their various shows. In his capacity as a local councillor, Sam presented several motions to the British Council of Churches to enable Black Majority Churches to rent or purchase church venues that were derelict or underutilized. This motion played a crucial role in facilitating the growth of Black-led church buildings and places of worship. After retiring from local politics, King focussed on preserving the experiences of his generation. He founded the Windrush Foundation with Arthur Torrington in 1996 to recognise and keep alive the memories of the young men and women who were among the first wave of post war settlers in the UK. In his later years, Sam King was best known for his efforts to establish the anniversary of the Empire Windrush's arrival as a holiday, earning him the nickname "Mr. Windrush." In 1998, he was awarded the MBE during the 50th anniversary celebrations for Windrush and also published his autobiography, "Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain." In 2009, a public vote led to the installation of a Southwark blue plaque at his long-time home on Warmington Road. This was followed by the freedom of the borough of Southwark being granted to him in May 2016. Sam King MBE died on 17 June 2016, less than a week before the 68th anniversary of his arrival on the Empire Windrush: more than 500 people attended his funeral at Southwark Cathedral.  Arthur Torrington, a close friend and colleague, paid a heartfelt tribute to Sam, describing him as: “a giant with a voice that commanded respect that provided a positive message to all about the contribution of the Caribbean community but the wider benefits of migration. We need to give our gratitude to men and women like Sam who made sacrifices and laid the foundations that we take for granted today in the community.” Two years after King's death, the UK government officially designated the 22 June as Windrush Day to recognise the contributions of the Windrush generation's contributions in helping to rebuild a post-war Britain. King paved the way for people such as Labour MP Diane Abbott , who aptly said after his death “[King] played a crucial role in breaking down barriers for Black people in politics. [For] someone like me, who was fortunate to become an MP, [I} stand on the shoulders of people like Sam King.” Sources: "Sam King 'Mr Windrush' Ebook". Windrush Foundation https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/jun/30/sam-king-obituary?CMP=share_btn_tw (1) https://www.keepthefaith.co.uk/2016/07/06/sam-king-mbe-by-patrick-vernon-obe/ https://southwarkheritage.wordpress.com/2020/06/19/sam-king-and-the-windrush/ (2) https://archive.voice-online.co.uk/article/mr-windrush-sam-king-passes-away-90 https://www.postalmuseum.org/blog/sam-king-a-postal-worker-of-the-windrush-generation/#:~:text=Sam%20King%20is%20celebrated%20for,today's%20Notting%20Hill%20Carnival%20%E2%80%93%20and https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/families/time-travel-tv/a-significant-person/