To mark Remembrance Month, we’ve put together a selection of books, films and other media that highlight the stories of Black service men and women in the First and Second World Wars. These resources provide unique insights into their experiences and help broaden the narrative of Britain’s wartime history. Books As Good as Any Man: Scotland’s Black Tommy  – Morag Miller, Roy Laycock, John Sadler & Rosie Serdiville A fascinating account of Arthur Roberts, a Black soldier from Scotland who served on the Western Front during the First World War, drawing on his diaries and letters to tell his story. Black Tommies: British Soldiers of African Descent in the First World War (Kids Edition)  – Stephen Bourne An accessible edition for younger readers, exploring the lives of Black soldiers who served Britain in WWI, their challenges, and their bravery on the battlefield. The West Indian Soldier: A Brief History of the British Army and the Caribbean A concise history of Caribbean soldiers in the British Army, highlighting their service and the struggles they faced during the First and Second World Wars. Black Poppies: Britain’s Black Community and the Great War  – Stephen Bourne Examines the lives and contributions of Britain’s Black communities during WWI, including servicemen, women, and civilians, shedding light on often overlooked stories. Memoirs of a Black Englishman  – Paul Stephenson and Lilleith Morrison A personal memoir capturing the experiences of a Black Briton navigating life in Britain, with reflections on service, society, and resilience. Film & Streaming Hero: The Extraordinary Life of Mr Ulric Cross  – BBC iPlayer This movie tells the inspiring story of Caribbean war hero Ulric Cross, whose extraordinary life included both military service and significant contributions to civil society. Blitz (2024)  – Apple TV A dramatized depiction of life on the Home Front during the Second World War, highlighting the bravery and resilience of those who kept Britain safe. Churchill: Britain’s Secret Apartheid  – Channel 4 A documentary exploring the racial inequalities faced by Black and colonial troops during both world wars, and the broader context of Britain’s imperial history. Britain’s Secret War Babies  – Channel 4 A moving exploration of the children born to Black servicemen and British women during WWII, and the challenges they faced in post-war Britain. The Six Triple Eight  – Netflix Tells the story of the all-Black 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion in WWII, highlighting the vital, yet often unrecognised, contributions of Black service personnel.   You can purchase any of the books listed in our IBHM Heritage shop which helps supports the IBHM-UK website and independent bookshops. Disclosure: If you buy books linked to our site, we may earn a commission from Bookshop.org , whose fees support independent bookshops.

George Arthur Roberts was born in Trinidad on 1 August 1890, when the island was still part of the British Empire. Emancipation, only 52 years earlier, had brought little improvement for most Black Trinidadians, who remained trapped in low‑paid plantation work with limited access to education and few routes to better employment. Those who did gain schooling still faced systemic racial barriers and often looked to Europe for opportunity. For many young men from poor backgrounds - then as now - the army offered a rare escape. For young Caribbean men who didn’t want to work on a plantation, the West India Regiment provided a way out: the chance to learn a trade and build a life beyond the racial constraints of early 20th‑century Trinidad. The West India Regiment had been raised from Britain’s Caribbean colonies from 1795, initially recruiting enslaved Africans purchased from plantations and slave ships to fight in the wars with Revolutionary and Napoleonic France. After the abolition of the slave trade, soldiers recruited as slaves were legally freed under the Mutiny Act of 1807 and later received the same pay and bounties as white soldiers; and significantly, they were recognised as a formal part of the British Army, unlike their counterparts in India and other British colonies. In the years after abolition, recruits then included men liberated from illegal slave ships and captured Black soldiers from enemy French and Dutch colonies. They saw action in numerous battles in the Caribbean, in America in the War of 1812, joining the attack on New Orleans. For most of the 19th century, the remaining regiments were based in Trinidad and Jamaica before disbanding in 1904. But the West African regiment continued in service until 1927 establishing a base in Sierra Leone for the recruitment and training of African volunteers after fighting in the Second Ashanti War (1873-74). Records suggest Roberts joined the West India Regiment as a youth and probably learned the electrical trade there before the regiment was disbanded in 1904. But not much is known about his early life in Trinidad. What we do know is that he had two daughters – Violet and Stella – with Delcina Green. In those peaceful days there was not much excitement to be had on the Caribbean island of Trinidad for a young man ready for battle. So, when the First World War began, the enthusiastic young soldier took up the call and volunteered for European Service. He worked his way to England, most probably finding work on a ship travelling from Trinidad to England, and upon arrival was placed in the Middlesex Regiment. As a rifleman attached to the Middlesex Regiment he was stationed to fight in the Dardanelles, Turkiye as part of the British Empire army. A 6ft 2in rifleman, he earned the nickname “Coconut Bomber” for his ability to throw grenades long distances, a skill said to come from knocking down coconuts as a boy. Wartime magazine Every Week reported “After doing splendid service in the Dardenelles, he served 14 months in France, going through many severe engagements and wounded first at Loos, and in the Somme.” Roberts fought in the Battle of Loos, which took place on the Western Front between the 25th September and 13th October 1915. At the time, it was the largest British offensive of the war and witnessed Britain’s first use of gas warfare. He later fought in the Somme offensive, where over 240,000 British and Commonwealth soldiers were killed or wounded. Roberts was one of hundreds of Caribbean volunteers who came to Britain to fight. Initially, they were drafted into a variety of units with the British army, but in 1915 it was decided to group them together into a single regiment, named the British West Indies Regiment. Not to be confused with the West India Regiment still active in Sierra Leone in West Africa. Nearly 20,000 men from Trinidad, Jamaica, British Guiana (now Guyana), Barbados and other islands enlisted. Roberts reportedly recruited more than 250 men by his ‘vigorous speeches’ on behalf of his adopted country during a 1916 visit back home. West Indian troops volunteered for many reasons: patriotism, escaping poverty, and the hope that service would bring political rights and social advancement. Despite this, the British West Indies Regiment was largely confined to labour roles instead of front‑line combat and denied proper recognition. After the war their service was widely ignored; a clear example is the deliberate exclusion of Black units from the Caribbean and Africa from the Allied victory parades in summer 1919, because acknowledging their contributions threatened the colonial order. Roberts returned to London in October 1917 and was demobilised in 1919 – taken out of active service – so he threw himself into veterans’ welfare. Amidst widespread outrage at the lack of state support for veterans, he joined the Federation of Discharged and Demobilised Sailors and Soldiers, one of several organisations fighting for veterans’ rights at the time, as an officer. In one of the few pieces of his personal writing we have, George eloquently describes The Battle of Westminster Bridge, a march that erupted into violence when veterans – many of whom had returned from war into destitution and who were marching for jobs and the ‘homes fit for heroes’ they’d been promised – clashed with police outside Parliament. He wrote: ‘A scrimmage between our columns and the police began. Our banners were torn to pieces and the poles broken and, when the police started using their batons we retaliated with our broken poles. The wounded and disabled, game for standing up for their principles, used their sticks and crutches. Yet in spite of this vicious official action against those who had served their country so well, a large proportion of personnel won through and crossed the bridge.’ After this, the various veterans’ organisations joined together to form the British Legion in 1921, later to become the Royal British Legion which continues today to campaign and support the welfare of veterans. George was an active member of the organisation from its inception. He would become the President and Founder Member of the Camberwell Branch and was made a life member of the Royal British Legion in 1962. After the war, Roberts settled in Peckham and worked as an electrician, a trade learned in Trinidad. Like many colonial veterans, he encountered racism, broken promises and limited support. Many colonial ex‑servicemen who remained in Britain after the First World War experienced similar treatment. Promises of land, money and jobs often went unfulfilled, leaving veterans struggling to find work and adjust to civilian life; those who returned home frequently encountered the same neglect. Many suffered physical injuries and wartime trauma (then called “shell shock”) with inadequate medical or social care and were treated as second‑class citizens whose contributions were downplayed in official histories, limiting recognition and civil‑rights gains. Some formed small supportive communities but remained economically and socially marginalised compared with veterans who returned home or came from countries with better post war support. Competition for jobs and housing fuelled racial tensions that erupted in a series of race riots across British port cities in 1919, including Cardiff, Liverpool and London. He married his first wife, Margaret Whyland, around 1920 and they settled in the Lewis Trust Dwellings in Camberwell, which remained George’s home until his death in 1970. They had two sons, Cyril and Victor, who both served for Britain in the Second World War. Racist discrimination he experienced despite being a war hero prompted him to join the League of Coloured Peoples, founded by Dr Harold Moody. Roberts was a founding member and served as chairman. The League was one of London’s first anti‑racist organisations, campaigning to end the colour bar that denied Black people housing, jobs and service in restaurants and hotels. It also advocated decolonisation and independence for Britain’s colonies, opposed white families who refused to take Black children as evacuees during the Second World War, and challenged racial discrimination in the British armed forces, including policies barring non‑white people from commissioning as officers. Too old for frontline service in the Second World War, George joined the Home Front by enlisting in the London Auxiliary Fire Service in 1938, becoming its first Black member. After completing his training in 1939, he served at New Cross Fire Station in Southwark, helping to extinguish fires during the Blitz and saving many lives throughout the war. In 1941 his portrait was painted by Norman Hepple, reflecting his contemporary prominence. He was promoted to section leader in 1943 and founded Discussion and Education groups at the station to raise awareness of fire safety and promote community cohesion. At their height, as many as 15,000 people a week attended similar groups at local stations to hear speakers on topics ranging from fire safety to politics; the groups were intended to counter the rise of fascism and the drift to war in Europe. In the 1944 King’s Birthday Honours he was awarded the British Empire Medal “for his general duties at New Cross Fire Station and for his part as a founder and pioneer of the Discussion and Education groups of the Fire Service.” The medal was presented by King George VI on 15 May 1945 at Buckingham Palace. Speaking on BBC radio’s Calling the West Indies in 1947, George said: “If what I am doing can assist in some small way to bring about a better understanding and a true fellowship amongst the peoples of the earth, I shall be extremely happy.” Roberts married Rose Barnett in 1941 after the death of his first wife in 1937 and lived in Camberwell for 50 years. He died at King’s College Hospital in January 1970 of a recurrent coronary thrombosis. Although his contributions were gradually sidelined in the white‑dominated historical record, historian Stephen Bourne rediscovered Roberts and included him in his book ‘Black Poppies: Britain’s Black Community and the Great War’. Bourne nominated him for a blue plaque; one was unveiled at his London home in 2016, and the London Fire Brigade later installed a red plaque at New Cross Fire Station to commemorate his service as a leading fireman in the Second World War which was unveiled by his great great-granddaughter Dr Samantha Harding. Dr Samantha Harding said: “It’s always overwhelming for me to attend these events, as it brings to light all of the incredible things he has done.” Michael Nicholas, national chair of the FBU’s black and ethnic minority members committee, said the life and work of George Arthur Roberts was a historic chapter of black history in the UK fire and rescue service. “A decorated wartime hero, George Arthur Roberts is a powerful and positive legacy to all current black members of the military and fire service. We are proud to commemorate his achievements and humbled to have joined his family members at the ceremony. “Events like this enable a wider community knowledge of his commitment and bravery in service of his country. We follow very big footsteps,” he said. In 2018 he became the figurehead of the 100 th  anniversary of the Fire Brigades Union and two years later in 2020, he became the central focus for an advert by genealogy company Ancestry, encouraging viewers to learn more about their own family history when it came to the Second World War, and was mentioned by Boris Johnson in the speech he gave on 1 st  October 2020, to mark UK Black History Month. Images: Wikipedia media Sources: https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/west-india-regiments#:~:text=The%20story%20of%20these%20regiments,better%20suited%20to%20tropical%20service https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_India_Regiments https://www.london-fire.gov.uk/museum/london-fire-brigade-history-and-stories/trailblazers/george-arthur-roberts-bem/#:~:text=was%20a%20soldier%2C%20activist%20and,in%20the%20Second%20World%20War.&text=There%20are%20many%20untold%20stories,was%20George%20Arthur%20Roberts%20BEM . https://www.georgearthurroberts.com/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Arthur_Roberts#cite_note-10 https://newhistories.sites.sheffield.ac.uk/volumes/2020-21/volume-14/trailblazing-the-life-of-george-arthur-roberts Stephen Bourne: Black Poppies: Britain's Black Community and the Great War https://loughborough-junction.org/2017/10/15/george-arthur-roberts-soldier-firefighter-and-trinidadian/ https://southwarknews.co.uk/history/in-depth-history/blue-plaque-nominees-2015-the-ww1-hero-who-could-throw-a-bomb-74-yards/ https://www.fbu.org.uk/blog/pioneer-honoured https://metro.co.uk/2024/10/05/dont-want-trailblazing-hero-great-grandfather-ever-forgotten-21721392/ https://www.greatwarforum.org/topic/303517-george-arthur-roberts-national-fire-service/ https://livesofthefirstworldwar.iwm.org.uk/lifestory/7672334

Throughout November, we will be shining a light on the often overlooked stories of African and Caribbean heritage service men and women who fought for Britain during the First and Second World Wars. Their courage, sacrifice and resilience were vital to the war effort, yet their contributions have too often been marginalised in mainstream history. 110 years since the Battle of Loos As 2025 marks the 110th anniversary of the Battle of Loos, we are focusing on the remarkable life of George Arthur Roberts , a Trinidad-born soldier who served as a rifleman associated to the Middlesex Regiment. Roberts fought at Loos in 1915 and later became one of London’s first Black firefighters, serving on the Home Front during the Second World War. His life reflects both the heroism and the hardship experienced by many colonial troops who travelled thousands of miles to serve a country that did not always treat them as equals.   The British West Indies Regiment - service and silence We will also be exploring the history of the British West Indies Regiment , formed of volunteer servicemen from across the Caribbean who served in the First World War. These men played a crucial role in labour and support units, often under harsh and discriminatory conditions. Despite their dedication, their contributions were intentionally sidelined after the war, with broader recognition only beginning to emerge in the 2020s. Their story is one of bravery, injustice and the ongoing struggle for historical acknowledgement. Learning through books, film and other media To help deepen understanding, we have compiled a list of recommended books, films and other media that highlight the experiences of Black service men and women in both world wars. These resources offer powerful insights into their lives and help broaden the narrative surrounding Britain’s wartime history. Marking Remembrance Month with the Black Poppy Rose Our work this month is guided by the ethos of the Black Poppy Rose , established in 2010 to honour the contributions of African, Black, Caribbean, Pacific Island and Indigenous communities to the war effort. The Black Poppy Rose acknowledges not only those who served in uniform but also the civilians whose labour and sacrifice supported the war in countless ways. As we mark Remembrance Month, we aim to illuminate these heroic and often unsung stories, ensuring that their legacy is remembered, respected and woven into the wider fabric of British history.

Understanding the Black Parents Movement In the history of Black British activism, the Black Parents Movement (BPM) represents a pivotal chapter. It connects grassroots parent power, youth activism, and radical politics. Emerging in 1975, the BPM drew inspiration from the Black Education Movement (BEM), supplementary schools, and a growing network of Black community organisations. Its work continues to influence debates on race, education, and community agency. This makes it central to our Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge campaign , which highlights decades of struggle and achievement in the UK. The Catalyst for Change The immediate catalyst for the BPM was the unlawful arrest of Cliff McDaniel, a 17-year-old student in Hornsey, North London. On 17 April 1975, McDaniel and his friends, Keith and Chris, students at the Stationer’s Company’s School, were targeted by Metropolitan Police officers during their lunch break. McDaniel was singled out, assaulted, and falsely charged with ‘breaching the peace’ and ‘assaulting a police officer’. He was well known to staff, pupils, and parents connected to the George Padmore Supplementary School, founded in 1966 by Trinidadian activist John La Rose. Outraged parents and teachers mobilised to defend McDaniel, forming the foundation of the BPM. Around the same time, young people established the Black Students Movement, later renamed the Black Youth Movement, with La Rose’s sons Keith and Michael among the founding members. The BPM was dedicated to advancing the interests of Black working-class families, unemployed youth, and schoolchildren. Leadership and Vision John La Rose played a central role in the BPM’s formation. He provided leadership grounded in both vision and community practice. Early members included supplementary schoolteachers Roxy Harris and Albertina Sylvester, as well as educator-activist Gus John. Guyanese publishers and activists Jessica and Eric Huntley, founders of the Ealing Concerned Black Parents and Youth Movement in 1976, were closely affiliated with the BPM during its most active period. Roxy Harris, current Chair of the George Padmore Institute and former BPM member, recalled that the BPM developed strategies to fight racism and discrimination in schools. They challenged police corruption and confronted the complicity of the courts. She highlighted John La Rose’s leadership style, noting that he welcomed the presence of children in meetings. He took their restlessness as a signal that discussions had gone on long enough. The Historical Context The BPM grew from Haringey’s long history of Black radical activism. It was strongly connected to the Black Education Movement (BEM) and the Black Supplementary School Movement (BSSM). These initiatives were created as forms of self-help education to counteract the prejudice Black children faced in the national school system. A central intellectual influence was Bernard Coard . His 1971 pamphlet How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Sub-Normal in the British School System exposed the systemic disadvantage of Black children in schools. Coard’s work provided both moral urgency and practical arguments for parent-led activism. This included the campaigns led by BPM members and supplementary schools. Building Alliances From its inception, the BPM positioned itself as part of a broader network of radical Black organisations. In 1979, it helped form the Alliance, a partnership including the Black Youth Movement, Bradford Black Collective, and the Race Today Collective. Each group retained autonomy but collaborated on local and national campaigns. These included the George Lindo Campaign in Bradford and the Stephen Locke Action Committee in Manchester. The BPM developed regional branches in Bradford and Manchester. It also established smaller groups in London boroughs such as Ealing, Hackney, Brixton, and Brent. Its work encompassed educational activism, legal advocacy, community solidarity, and international campaigns. The movement supported supplementary education programs, challenged racial bias in schools, defended young people against false accusations and police harassment. Additionally, they participated in the Bookshop Joint Action Committee, which campaigned against racist attacks on Black and progressive bookshops. This included the firebombing of Bogle L’Ouverture Publications in 1977. The BPM also supported international solidarity campaigns, protesting apartheid in South Africa and supporting the New Jewel Movement in Grenada under Maurice Bishop. Media Representation and Legacy Media projects, including BBC documentaries, have highlighted the BPM’s grassroots activism, organisational strategies, and role in shaping Black British education. Mollie Hunt contributed to chronicling the movement’s history. This ensures that these efforts remain part of the historical records. The BPM’s archives, housed at the George Padmore Institute, preserve its founding principles, campaigns, and collaborations. The movement is recognised as a leading force in Black radical activism in Britain. It illustrates the power of grassroots organisation, coalition-building, and parental leadership. The BPM expanded the role of parents as political actors. It embedded the principle that education is a field of struggle for communities. Furthermore, it contributed to networks that continue to influence Black cultural, legal, and political life in the UK. Continuing Influence The BPM’s contributions are central to our campaign “Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge”. This shows how local action and vision can feed into national change. With Haringey announced as the London Borough of Culture for 2027, the BPM continues to inspire activists, educators, and community organisers. The Black Parents Movement demonstrates how ordinary people can take extraordinary action. Through education, advocacy, and solidarity, the BPM shaped a more just and equitable Britain. Its story reminds us that lasting change is built from the ground up. Parental and community activism are essential to building modern multicultural Britain. Conclusion The legacy of the Black Parents Movement is a testament to the power of community action. It serves as an enduring reminder of the importance of standing up against injustice. The BPM's story is not just about the past; it is a call to action for the future. By understanding their struggles and achievements, we can continue to build a more inclusive society. Source: https://www.georgepadmoreinstitute.org/news-and-events/blog-post-50-year-anniversary-of-the-black-parents-movement https://www.epoch-magazine.com/post/resisting-redaction-the-battle-for-a-black-british-educational-movement https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/m000w81h/subnormal-a-british-scandal

On 23rd February 2024 , Daphne Steel who made history by becoming the first Black matron in the NHS is the first person to be commemorated with an official blue plaque outside London. Photo Credit: Historic England Daphne Steele was the ‘first Black matron’ in the NHS, and her remarkable achievement is now commemorated with the first official blue plaque outside London. The plaque is located at Hillside Court in Ilkley, West Yorkshire, formerly known as St Winifred’s Nursing Home. Born in Essequibo County, Guyana (formerly British Guiana) in South America, she arrived in the UK in 1951, just three years after the NHS was established. She trained as a nurse in Balham, South London, completing her nursing training in 1953 and midwifery training in 1954. Over the next decade, she worked as a nurse and midwife in America, followed by positions in Oxfordshire and Manchester before applying for the matron role at St Winifred’s Maternity Hospital. Daphne’s exceptional skills and engaging personality accelerated her career. When the matron position at St Winifred's became available, she was encouraged to apply. In August 1964, at the age of 36, she was appointed matron, marking a pivotal moment in NHS history that garnered international attention. She received over 350 letters of congratulation from around the world, including a one-pound note from a UK pensioner, and she personally responded to each letter that included a return address. Daphne began her role in September 1964 and delivered her first baby on 8 October that year, according to hospital records. She managed the 14-bed hospital and oversaw between 250 and 300 deliveries annually, personally delivering over 200 babies throughout her career. When St Winifred’s closed in October 1971, Daphne found a new job working in Wharfedale children’s hospital in Menston and then retrained as a health visitor at Leeds University. As a health visitor in Ilkley and Bingley, becoming a familiar and friendly figure to countless families in the area. In 2001, Daphne received official recognition of her professional achievement when presented with an award from the Guyanese High Commission, a moment which she described as ‘smashing’. In 2002, she carried the Queen’s Jubilee relay baton in Shipley to mark Queen Elizabeth II’s Golden Jubilee. Daphne commented that she was ‘mainly doing it for my community, but it’s also good to represent my Commonwealth country” (Ilkley Gazette, 27 June 2002). The Guyanese government’s recognition of her achievements was significant to her. In 2014, the Association of Guyanese Nurses and Allied Professionals (AGNAP) instituted an annual memorial lecture in her honour. Over the past decade, Steele’s pioneering role as part of the Windrush Generation has gained recognition. In 2018, a plaque was erected by the Nubian Jak Community Trust at St James’s Hospital in Balham, and the new Health and Wellbeing Academy at the University of Huddersfield will be named after her, opening in 2024. An annual Daphne Steele Day has also been established at St George’s Hospital, Tooting, on her birthday. Daphne’s name was put forward for a Historic England Blue Plaque by Bradford Civic Society and Bradford Metropolitan District Council after local people named her as one of several inspirational local women through a community-led project called 'Bradford Lasses'. The unveiling of her plaque was celebrated by Arts and Heritage Minister Lord Parkinson of Whitley Bay, representatives of Historic England, and Daphne Steele’s son. Robert Steele shared, “My mother saw herself as a nurse and midwife. She would be speechless, mind-blown, to see a plaque dedicated to her and to know that she had made such a difference to so many people.” NHS matron Daphne Steele (second from left) holding a baby in 1964. The lady on Daphne's right is Mary Walsh, matron of the Doris Court nursing home in Manchester, where Daphne was working when she applied for the St Winifred's matron job. Mary encouraged Daphne to apply. Image courtesy of the Steele Family. Image credit: Historic England Duncan Wilson, Chief Executive of Historic England, remarked, “We are delighted to dedicate the first Historic England blue plaque to Daphne Steele, a ‘quiet revolutionary’ who, nearly sixty years ago, changed history when she became the first Black matron in the NHS. Our national blue plaques scheme is a fantastic opportunity to tell the stories of inspirational people, like Daphne, who have helped make the world a better place.” The presentation revealing the blue plaque to Daphne Steele was attended by (from left to right) Duncan Wilson, Historic England CEO; Professor Ronald Hutton, Blue Plaque Panel Interim Chair; Robert Steele, son of Daphne Steele; and Lord Parkinson of Whitley Bay, Arts and Heritage Minister at the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS). © Historic England. Chief Nursing Officer Dame Ruth May added, “It is wonderful that Daphne Steele is being honoured with the first official blue plaque outside London. Her remarkable career in nursing midwifery and as a health visitor, and like so many from the Windrush generation, she made an enormous contribution to the NHS. This is a fitting tribute to an inspiring woman who has undoubtedly paved the way for many other nurses and midwives.” The plaque unveiling marks the beginning of a new official Blue Plaque scheme by Historic England, which will now operate equally across England, expanding its reach beyond London. The blue plaque reads: "Daphne Steele. 1927-2004. Guyanese nurse and midwife. Pioneering black matron in the NHS lived and worked here." Sources: https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/national-blue-plaque-scheme/daphne-steele/ https://www.gov.uk/government/news/first-black-nhs-matron-beatles-icon-and-pioneering-ceramist-to-receive-first-official-blue-plaques-outside-london

This article is based on original research by Alysha Robinson, University of Manchester History Department. We are grateful for permission to reproduce and adapt it. You can read the original in full here . The beginnings of CARD The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was born out of Martin Luther King Jr.’s visit to Britain in December 1964. While in London, King urged Britain’s Black and South Asian communities to organise and fight racism. His words struck a chord with his audience and after his visit, activists and immigrant groups came together to create what they called an “organisation of organisations” that could unite their voices against racism. On 10 January 1965, CARD was officially launched by a remarkable group of thinkers and activists including Trinidadian- born novelist Marion Glean , barrister Anthony Lester , historian CLR James , academics Dipak Nandy  and Hamza Alavi , British educator and community activist Jocelyn Barrow and doctor and politician David Pitt . Lawyer Richard Small served as CARD's press officer. There mission was simple but urgent: to end racial discrimination in Britain. While the US civil rights movements such as the the National Association for the Advancement Coloured People (NAACP), the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE have been widely studied in the UK, CARD is often forgotten. Yet, in its brief existence, it shaped Britain's first race relations laws and set the stage for later battles against racism. CARD utilised the legalistic tactics of NAACP and the grassroots activism of SNCC and CORE to tackle institutionalised racism and help create the Britain that we live in today. Why CARD was needed By the early 1960s, Black and South Asian migrants faced hostility not only from the public but also from politicians. Both major political parties, Labour and Conservative, avoided addressing racism directly and were accused of pandering to voters who wanted tighter immigration controls. Their policies were driven by a desire to appeal to the white working-class voter base, which felt threatened by the growing presence of Black and Asian immigrants. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act marked a major turning point. It restricted entry to Britain for many non-white Commonwealth citizens by requiring work permits. This law, introduced by the Conservatives and upheld by Labour after their 1964 victory, sent a clear message that immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia was no longer welcome. Tensions came to a head during the 1964 General Election campaign in Smethwick . Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths ran on an openly racist platform, calling for a five-year ban on immigration and separate schools for children from immigrant families. His campaign was supported by posters and leaflets carrying the notorious slogan “If you want a n **** for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied writing the slogan himself but refused to condemn it and went on to win the seat, shocking many and exposing how deeply racism had taken hold in British politics. For Black and Asian activists, the result confirmed what they already knew: Britain urgently needed a civil rights movement of its own. CARD’s tactics Although the Labour government supported immigration controls, anti-discrimination legislation was still on the agenda with Labour's Home Secretary, Sir Frank Soskice, who introduced the Race Relations Bill to Parliament in April 1965. The Bill banned discrimination in public places but ignored jobs and housing, where most prejudice was felt, and it offered little real enforcement. While it was welcomed as a historic acknowledgement of the existence of racial discrimination in Britain, it lacked both scope and strengthen. This was where CARD stepped in. Inspired by US civil rights organisations such as the NAACP, SNCC, and CORE, the group became 'the leading voice within the inner circles of a newly elected Labour government lobbying on behalf of Black and South Asian Britons'. They adopted the NAACP's tactics, blending legal lobbying with grassroots activism. Anthony Lester, who would later go on to help found both the Institute of Race Relations and Runnymede Trust, drafted a 'green document' that proposed key amendments. Soskice's original Bill had relied on punitive measures such as fines and prison sentences for offenders. CARD instead argued for conciliation boards and tribunals to handle complaints, believing this approach, borrowed from the US Civil rights Act of 1964, would be more effective in changing behaviour. They also called for the Bill to cover housing, jobs, and credit. CARD lobbied MPs, applied media pressure, and used personal networks to gain support. Dr David Pitt held private meetings with politicians, while newspapers such as The Guardian, The Sunday Times  and The Observer  ran supportive editorials. By the Bill's second reading, the government had accepted many of CARD's recommendations. The Race Relations Act of 1965 was passed with amendments establishing a Race Relations Board and regional conciliation committees where victims of discrimination could submit their their complaints. The passage of the Act was hailed as a victory, though many felt it still did not go far enough. Testing the law Although the 1965 Race Relations Act was seen as progress, CARD quickly grew frustrated with its limits. The law banned discrimination in public places but left out housing and employment, where most racism occurred. Marion Glean and Anthony Lester argued that grassroots action was needed to highlight these gaps and push for stronger protections. Inspired by America’s 1964 Freedom Summer, CARD launched the “Summer Project” in 1966. They recruited 24 young Black, Asian, and white volunteers to run “testing” exercises in Leeds, Manchester, and Southall. In these tests, a white applicant would apply for a job or housing, followed by a more qualified Black or Asian applicant. The results were clear: racism was still rife, with Black and Asian people routinely denied work, homes, and loans. By March 1967, CARD had submitted over 150 complaints from the project to the Race Relations Board. Around 90 per cent of the cases fell outside the 1965 Act’s scope. The press reported widely on the findings, with The Guardian  calling them “the most cogent case for extending the Race Relations Act.” Even The Sunday Telegraph  admitted, “It’s No Fun Being a Brown Briton.” The pressure worked. CARD’s campaign exposed the daily reality of racism in Britain and made it impossible for the government to ignore. In 1968, a new Race Relations Act was passed, this time outlawing discrimination in housing, jobs, and public services. Why CARD collapsed Despite its achievements, CARD did not last long. By 1968, internal divisions had caused the organisation to collapse. Class tensions played a role. CARD’s leadership of lawyers, doctors, and academics often felt disconnected from the working-class communities it aimed to represent. Membership fees and an emphasis on respectability made it harder for many potential supporters to engage. Race was another source of friction. CARD included white liberals in leadership roles, following the NAACP model. But by the late 1960s, Black Power ideas were spreading in Britain, and many activists wanted organisations led solely by Black and Asian people. CARD’s interracial and middle-class structure made it seem too cautious and too close to the political establishment, particularly Labour Party for some members. In 1965, David Pitt and Hamza Alavi, who favoured working with the government, left to join the newly formed National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. By 1968, CARD was formally dissolved. Many of its former members turned to the more radical Black Power movement, which was gaining strength amongst young Black and South Asian communities, while the founding activists continued their work. Dipak Nandy, for example, became the first director of the anti-racist think tank, the Runnymede Trust. Legacy Though it lasted only a few years, CARD left an important legacy. It showed how coordinated lobbying and grassroots action could force the government to confront racism. Its campaigns exposed the everyday reality of discrimination in housing, jobs, and public life, and laid the groundwork for stronger anti-racism laws. Most importantly, CARD was a reminder that Britain’s civil rights struggle was not just an echo of the American movement, but a homegrown fight led by immigrants and their descendants who demanded equality. This article is adapted from Alysha Robinson’s original blog for the University of Manchester History Department. You can read the full article here . Additional information is sourced from South Asian Britain website. Listen to the speech Martin Luther King Jr's speech to African, Caribbean, Indian and Pakistan civil rights activists gave in London 1965: https://youtu.be/1iiFNj3D_K4?si=OSsi47k8ivk598u_&t=2882

There are lots of creative ways your school can recognise Black History Month UK beyond school assemblies and we've come up with a few ideas. Black History Month UK is an opportunity to ensure that all young people, no matter their background, learn about the contributions of Black Britons to UK History. As David Olusoga said:“this is our national story, this is British history, it belongs to all of us.” 1. Here's how your school can participate in this year's Black History Month UK Take part in our Legacies of Change: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge campaign by getting your classes to research and create a visual installation using the four individuals from this year's campaign: Jocelyn Barrow , Liz Obi , Bernard Coard , and Mollie Hunt or examining three pivotal moments in the UK Black History Timeline: Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) , British Black Panthers and the Black Parents Movement. For young children, you may want to look at Black Britons from different time periods and we suggest you check out our Black to the Past and Before Windrush campaigns for inspiration. We’re encouraging all schools and colleges to send us a picture or video of your installations by tagging us on any of our social media sites. 2. Try our #BHMFamilies selfie challenge Get your pupils to bring in a picture or item that reflects a family tradition and use this as a talking point to discuss the contributions of Black Britons to UK history and culture. You could explore cultural events such as the Notting Hill Carnival and why it started; explore how the British diet has changed over the years with the introduction of new foods like Jollof Rice and Jerk Chicken; and the British music scene by exploring new musical genres such as Lovers Rock, Jungle, and Grime. 3. Take part in our #BHMLandmarks challenge You could organise a class trip to explore your locality to take a picture of statues and plaques that recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people in the UK. You can find information on the whereabouts of statues and plaques on the websites of Nubian Jak and the English Heritage or the Black London: History, Arts & Culture book . Post your pictures with the hashtag #bhmlandmarks and tag us on any of our social media accounts. 4. Virtually visit the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) and explore key events in British History The Black Cultural Archives has lots of resources covering different time periods in British history including Black Abolitionists in Georgian London, Victorian Britons of African heritage whose work significantly impacted the arts, science and technology, and the Windrush generations who campaigned for legislative change that transformed the lives of all British migrants. 5. Turn your classroom into a living museum to celebrate the lives of past and living Black Britons Have your students choose a notable Black British pioneer they'd like to know more about, such as Georgian writer Ignatius Sancho , Victorian circus owner Pablo Fanque , Henry VIII's trumpeter John Blanke , or Dr Harold Moody who campaigned against racism in Edwardian Britain and provided free medical care to the poorer members of his local community before the establishment of NHS. Then using their research, have them create a living museum in your classroom. They can create posters and do presentations to show what they've learned through their research. Our website is a great way to start your research or you can review resources from the Black Curriculm , Young Historians Project , BCA , Museum of London , BBC bitesize , The National Archives, and Yorkshire Museum . 6. Remember that UK Black History isn't confined to a month At its core, Black History Month UK is about celebrating and recognising the contributions of Britons left out of mainstream UK history. We advise that you avoid emotive subjects like the Atlantic Slave Trade (perhaps tackle the topic during August when International Slavery Remembrance Day is marked) and focus on British rather than African American History during the month. We hope that you choose to participate in any of the activities we've suggested for your school to carry out during Black History Month UK. But do remember this month is also an opportunity for educators to start diversifying the curriculum for the rest of the academic year. Teachers can make sure that all disabilities, ethnicities and social classes are represented in reading materials and artwork in all subjects all year round. Happy Black History Month UK!

Small Island streaming on BBC iplayer Small Island   is a two-part 2009 BBC One drama adapted from Andrea Levy’s 2004 novel. Starring Naomie Harris as Hortense Roberts and Ruth Wilson as Queenie Bligh, it follows two women pursuing their dreams amid the upheaval of World War II in London and Jamaica. Based on our book of the month, Small Island  beautifully complements this year’s UK Black History Month theme, “Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge." Get Millie Black steaming on Channel 4 On Demand Get Millie Black is a British television series created by Jamaican writer Marlon James. Jamaican-born detective Millie-Jean Black is forced out of Scotland Yard, and she returns home to join the Jamaican Police Force. She and her partner, Curtis, investigate missing person cases, and their lives are up-ended when one of their investigations crosses paths with another that brought Scotland Yard detective Luke Holborn to Kingston. Babyfather streaming on BBC iplayer The first series to be helmed by four Black British actors was first released back in 2001 and is now available to view on BBC iplayer. Babyfather is based on Patrick Augustus's novel of the same name, Babyfather tells the story of four black men struggling with the issues of fatherhood, love and friendship. Ellis streaming on Channel 5 My 5 Ellis   (also known as Inspector Ellis ) is a British crime drama series on Channel 5, starring Sharon D. Clarke as Detective Inspector Ellis. It premiered in the UK on 31 October 2024 as a three-part series and has since been renewed for a second. DCI Ellis and her assistant, DS Harper, are assigned to support struggling police investigations across various local stations. Just Act Normal streaming on BBC iplayer Just Act Normal   is a 2025 British comedy-drama series adapted by Janice Okoh from her stage play Three Birds . Starring Chenée Taylor, Kaydrah Walker-Wilkie, and Akins Subair, alongside Romola Garai and Sam Buchanan, the series follows three Black siblings coping with the death of their mother. Determined to appear “normal” to family, friends, and adults to avoid being placed in foster care, their secret begins to unravel when someone starts to suspect that something isn’t quite right. Hard Truths steaming on Netflix Hard Truths , directed by Mike Leigh, is a raw and intimate character study of Pansy, a woman consumed by anger and despair. Played powerfully by British actress Marianne Jean-Baptiste, Pansy’s bitterness and constant criticism drive a wedge between her and those around her. As she lashes out at both family and strangers, only her optimistic sister, Chantelle, continues to reach out in compassion. Unflinching and emotionally complex, the film explores pain, isolation, and the fragile bonds that hold families together. A Thousand Blows Streaming on Disney plus A Thousand Blows  is a gritty period drama set in the violent underworld of 1880s East End London. Loosely based on true stories and real historical figures, the series dramatizes the lives of those struggling to survive in a brutal, divided city. At its heart is Jamaican bare-knuckle boxer Hezekiah Moscow, who fights for dignity and survival, and the infamous all-female Forty Elephants gang, navigating power, loyalty, and ambition in a world ruled by crime and corruption. Focusing on black talent.... Dancing on the Edge on streaming ITV X Dancing on the Edge  follows a Black jazz band’s rise in 1930s London. Managed by the passionate Wesley Holt and promoted by journalist Stanley Mitchell, the band becomes a sensation among aristocrats and even the Royal Family. As fame grows, so do connections with powerful figures - but when tragedy strikes, their success unravels, threatening to destroy everything they’ve achieved. Get Out streaming on BBC iplayer Get Out   is a 2017 American psychological horror film written, co-produced and directed by Jordan Peele in his acclaimed directorial debut. Daniel Kaluuya delivers an Oscar award winning performance as a young Black man who visits his white girlfriend’s family estate, only to uncover terrifying secrets beneath their seemingly warm and welcoming exterior. The film also features the brilliant and undeniably captivating LaKeith Stanfield. This Flatshare streaming on Channel 5 My 5 The Flatshare   is a British romantic comedy-drama series based on Beth O’Leary’s bestselling novel. It follows Tiffany and Leon, two Londoners who share a one-bedroom flat — but never meet. Tiffany uses the flat at night, while Leon works night shifts and occupies it during the day. Communicating only through notes, the pair gradually form an unexpected bond that blossoms into something deeper, proving that love can grow in the most unconventional circumstances. Interview with the Vampire streaming on Netflix Interview with the Vampire  follows Louis de Pointe du Lac, played by Jacob Anderson, as he recounts his life to journalist Daniel Molloy, who first received an unpublished interview in 1973. A wealthy Black man in 1910s New Orleans, Louis is seduced and turned into a vampire by the charismatic Lestat de Lioncourt. Struggling with his humanity, he faces further tension when Lestat introduces his teenage fledgling, Claudia. In the present, Daniel begins to question the truth of Louis’ story, noting inconsistencies with the earlier account. His House streaming on BBC iplayer His House  is a 2020 horror-thriller by Remi Weekes, starring Wunmi Mosaku, Sope Dirisu and Matt Smith. It follows South Sudanese refugees Bol and Rial, who survive a perilous journey across the English Channel and are granted provisional asylum in Britain. Assigned a run-down house on the outskirts of London, they face strict rules, hostile neighbours, and a sinister presence within their new home that threatens their chance at safety and normalcy. Passenger streaming on ITV X Passenger is set in the fictional Northern town of Chadder Vale, BAFTA-winning Wunmi Mosaku stars as former Met Police detective Riya Ajunwa, who investigates a series of unsettling crimes shaking the community. It begins with the mysterious disappearance and sudden reappearance 24 hours later of a local girl. As bizarre events and increasingly shocking offences unfold, Riya struggles to convince the villagers that things are far from what they seem Fresh Cuts on ITVX on ITV's Youtube Channel Now in its fourth year, ITV's Fresh Cuts showcases six daring, 22-minute programmes for UK Black History Month and UK Disability Month. Highlights for this year's BHMUK  include Ras Kwame’s candid conversations with cultural figures in In Convo  (6 Oct) , the fast-paced comedy sketches of Say Less!  (13 Oct) of which we'd like a full season, and the witty exploration of African and Caribbean British identity in Union Black  (20 Oct ) . Plus, don’t miss sneaker culture and community stories in The Re-Store  (27 Oct). Best Documentaries Black Power: A British Story of Resistance streaming on BBC iplayer This documentary delves into the history of Black activism in Britain, highlighting the contributions of individuals and groups who fought against racism and inequality. It explores the emergence of Black power movements, their impact on British society, and the ongoing struggle for racial justice. Subnormal: A British Scandal streaming on BBC iplayer Directed by Steve McQueen, this film explores the systemic racism in the British education system during the 1960s and 1970s. It highlights the wrongful placement of Black children in schools for the 'educationally subnormal' and the lasting impact on their lives. This documentary is a powerful companion to our articles on the Black Parents Movement and Mollie Hunte . Colony streaming on BBC iplayer Sixty years ago, the Pebble Mill team produced a groundbreaking documentary called The Colony , which was broadcast on the BBC. Ahead of its time, the series remains a pioneering piece of television and is now available to watch on BBC iPlayer. It features interviews with members of Birmingham’s growing Caribbean community, who share their impressions of their new home, experiences of racism, and hopes for the future. Must-Watch Global Picks From reunion drama in The Best Man: The Final Chapters  (BBC iPlayer) to the adrenaline of Fight Night  (ITV X), the timeless romance of Forever  (Netflix), the thrilling adventure of Washington Black  (Disney+) , Spike Lee's gripping crime thriller Highest 2 Lowest  (Apple TV+) , and the Jordan Peele produced HIM (in cinemas nationwide) these global picks deliver stories that entertain, move, and captivate from start to finish. Image Credits: BBC, Sky TV, Channel 4, Channel 5, Apple TV and Netflix.

It feels strange to realise that before the 1990s, "Black" was a political term proudly claimed by Caribbean, Asian, and African communities. Today, divisions between these communities often seem insurmountable. Yet, when our team began researching UK Black history from the 1950s to the 1970s, it became clear that these diverse groups once worked together. Young Caribbean, African, and Asian youths collaborated to combat racism and fight for equality. While researching our theme for UK Black History Month, Legacies of Action , we were surprised to learn that two of the founding members of the British Black Panther Party were of South Asian descent. Additionally, Black, Asian, and white youths stood side by side against the far-right National Front during the Battle of Lewisham. Pockets of unity still exist today through organisations such as the Society of Black Lawyers , Southall Black Sisters , National Black Police Association (United Kingdom) and and Black History Month Scotland . This is particularly encouraging at a time when the UK seems to be slipping back towards the divisive climate of the 1970s and 1980s. In this blog post, we explore why political Blackness once served as a unifying concept for Black and Asian communities in the UK, why it was abandoned, and why, in the context of rising far-right rhetoric, the principle of collective racial solidarity is urgently needed again. In the 1970s, "political Blackness" emerged as a rallying cry across Britain. It was never about skin tone alone but served as a unifying identity for everyone racialised as non-white. Second-generation Caribbean, African, and South Asian Britons bonded together out of necessity. They provided a collective voice for communities facing hostile policing, exclusion from housing, workplace discrimination, and societal marginalisation. Political Blackness offered strength, visibility, and solidarity at a time when fragmented activism struggled to achieve meaningful change. Political Blackness was never just about skin colour. It was a political identity rooted in shared struggle. It gave Caribbean, African, and South Asian Britons a collective voice at a time when the state and society too often ignored them. Sir Lankan born Briton and editor of the journal Race & Class, Ambalavaner Sivanandan captured it perfectly when he wrote, "Black is the colour of our politics, not the colour of our skins."(1) Young activists came together to challenge police harassment, housing discrimination, workplace exclusion, and far-right violence. When 13 young Black people died in the New Cross Fire in 1981, communities mobilised across racial and cultural lines to demand justice. The power of political Blackness lay in this solidarity, in its ability to turn shared struggle into collective action. It fostered coalitions that amplified voices too often ignored by mainstream society. By the 1990s, however, the banner of political Blackness began to fray. Official categories such as “Black African,” “Black Caribbean,” “Indian,” “Pakistani,” and “Bangladeshi” replaced the umbrella term. While these distinctions helped to recognise specific experiences, they also introduced bureaucratic distance. The broad political identity that had mobilised change became a set of administrative labels. The adoption of the term BAME, widely used by government, institutions, and media, further eroded solidarity. Critics argue these acronyms reduce lived experience to statistics and strip away political consciousness. Internal tensions also contributed to the decline. Some South Asian communities felt erased under the “Black” umbrella while anti-Blackness persisted within certain minority communities. Women’s experiences, intersecting with both racism and sexism, were often overlooked. Younger generations sought recognition of religion, heritage, and personal identity, and broad labels no longer resonated. Over time, the ethos of solidarity weakened, along with the political leverage of racialised communities. The consequences of this decline have been tangible. Divisions exist between Black and Asian groups, and even within the Black community between Africans and Caribbeans. Under David Cameron, the Conservative Party was able to exploit these divides. The 2020s saw a Tory leadership team that appeared more diverse than Labour — the self-proclaimed party of equality — with three female leaders and two of Asian and African heritage, achievements Labour has yet to match. But these “firsts” masked deep divisions within communities. Divided groups are easier to marginalise, creating fertile ground for anti-immigrant rhetoric that thrives when solidarity is weak. Racism intersects with class, gender, religion, and immigration status in ways that isolated activism often misses. In the year ending March 2024, police in England and Wales recorded 140,561 hate crimes — 70% of which were racially motivated. These numbers reflect not just prejudice but the real vulnerability created by fragmentation. (2) Language also reflects and reinforces this divide. Broad terms such as BAME  often fail to inspire connection, while more precise identifiers, when used thoughtfully, can strengthen solidarity. Yet labels alone cannot succeed; they must be accompanied by action, mobilisation, and collective accountability. However, terminology still matters. BAME  has been criticised for being bureaucratic and detached from lived realities. Alternative concepts like “Global Majority” or “racialised communities” aim to be more inclusive, but no label can succeed without activism. Political Blackness succeeded not because of the word itself, but because it provided a banner under which communities could organise, advocate, and demand systemic change. Its legacy is about unity, shared struggle, and collective accountability. Despite the decline of political Blackness, its principles remain visible in contemporary movements. Black Lives Matter UK has reignited debates about anti-Black policing and systemic racism. Anti-deportation campaigns and initiatives seeking justice after Grenfell have united diverse communities in pursuit of common causes. Artists and writers like Osman Yousefzada continue to advocate for “ethnic solidarity” rooted in action rather than symbolic gestures or hashtags (3). These examples show that unity is not nostalgia — it is strategy, an essential tool in resisting systemic injustice. Reviving political Blackness today requires a framework that is intersectional, historically informed, politically grounded, and inclusive yet strategic. It must recognise how race overlaps with gender, class, faith, and immigration status. It must link contemporary struggles to colonial and diaspora histories and focus on dismantling structural inequality rather than symbolic representation. Respecting differences while uniting against shared injustices is essential. Language may evolve, but the ethos of collective action remains timeless. The idea of political Blackness was a very British invention, born from necessity, not theory. Quatz website 2018 Legal protections alone cannot dismantle systemic racism. Grassroots advocacy, coalition building, and shared accountability are vital. Political Blackness once provided a framework for these strategies, and something like it is urgently needed again. Reviving its spirit could counter rising xenophobia, protect vulnerable communities, and amplify marginalised voices. This is not about returning to the past; it is about building solidarity for a future in which racialised communities can stand together — informed by history, empowered by action, and united in the pursuit of justice. The question is not whether political Blackness can return, but whether Britain’s racialised communities have the courage, vision, and commitment to stand together once again. Sources: https://unherd.com/2021/03/the-demise-of-political-blackness/?utm_source=chatgpt.com https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/hate-crime-england-and-wales-year-ending-march-2024/hate-crime-england-and-wales-year-ending-march-2024 https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/nov/22/osman-yousefzada-designer-and-writer-essay-on-tackling-race-in-britain-identity

The story of the abolitionist movement in Britain often focuses on prominent white advocates like William Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson. However, central to this movement were Black abolitionists, many of whom were formerly enslaved. At the forefront was a group known as the Sons of Africa , who campaigned tirelessly to end the transatlantic slave trade and improve the lives of people of African descent. Formed in the late 18th century in London, this group included prominent figures like Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano, who advocated for freedom, justice, and equality through writings, speeches, and political lobbying. The Sons of Africa played a significant role in shaping British abolitionism, influencing laws and public opinion, and taking part in landmark cases and legislative efforts such as the 1788 Slave Act and the infamous Zong massacre case. The Sons of Africa were a pioneering collective of Black men in Britain, many of whom had endured enslavement firsthand before securing their freedom. Among their leaders, Equiano and Cugoano were vocal and influential figures who used their writings and public advocacy to reveal the brutalities of slavery. They worked to change British public opinion on the transatlantic slave trade, harnessing their own stories and moral authority to challenge racial discrimination and human rights abuses. Through their activism, the Sons of Africa played a central role in the fight for abolition, providing a rare and powerful voice for Black agency in a predominantly white movement. The group operated at a time when racist ideologies were deeply entrenched in British society, and Black individuals were widely seen as inferior. These men, who had lived through the horrors of slavery, offered authentic perspectives that could not be dismissed or ignored. By addressing Parliament, corresponding with powerful abolitionists, and reaching out to the public through writings and lectures, the Sons of Africa created an enduring impact that contributed to the passage of critical legislation and helped shift the social and political landscape in Britain. The group was led by Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano , members included Jasper Goree, George Robert Mandeville, James Bailey, William Stevens, Joseph Almaze, Boughwa Gegansmel, Cojoh Ammere, and several others. One of the most significant achievements of the Sons of Africa was their role in lobbying for the passage of the 1788 Slave Act, also known as the Dolben Act. In 1788, Olaudah Equiano personally lobbied the House of Commons in support of William Dolben’s bill, which aimed to regulate the horrific conditions on slave ships. This legislation proposed limits on the number of enslaved Africans who could be transported on each ship, based on the vessel’s tonnage. The act was the first British legislation to place any form of regulatory limit on the trade, highlighting the dangerous and inhumane overcrowding on slave ships. Equiano’s influence was crucial to this effort. Drawing from his own experience and the testimonies of others, he emphasised the suffering endured by enslaved Africans during the Middle Passage. The testimonies of Equiano and his peers forced British lawmakers to confront the conditions on slave ships, marking a pivotal shift in legislative attitudes. The Dolben Act, though limited in scope, set a precedent for future reforms and demonstrated that the voices of Black abolitionists could indeed impact British law. The Sons of Africa were also involved in two critical legal battles that influenced British views on slavery: the case of the Zong massacre and the Somerset case. The Zong Massacre Case In 1781, the crew of the British slave ship Zong threw 132 enslaved Africans overboard to conserve dwindling supplies and later sought insurance compensation for “lost cargo.” The massacre came to public attention in 1783, sparking outrage among abolitionists. While the British courts ultimately framed the case as a dispute over insurance claims, the public outcry was undeniable. Equiano and other Sons of Africa members were active in keeping this story in the public eye, speaking out against the treatment of enslaved Africans as property and demanding accountability. The case became a focal point for the abolitionist movement and underscored the moral imperative of ending slavery. The Somerset Case The 1772 Somerset v. Stewart case was another landmark event, involving an enslaved man named James Somerset who sought his freedom after being brought to England. The Sons of Africa, alongside other abolitionists, supported Somerset’s fight, which resulted in a ruling by Lord Mansfield that slavery had no basis in English law. While this decision did not abolish slavery outright, it discouraged the practice within Britain, creating hope for further legal reforms. These cases were turning points, reinforcing public awareness of the inhumanity of slavery and shifting legal perspectives on the rights of enslaved people. The involvement of the Sons of Africa in these cases highlighted their dedication to challenging slavery through all available means, whether moral, legal, or political. Beyond their efforts in Parliament and the courts, the Sons of Africa were also active on the anti-slavery lecture circuit , particularly in northern England, where they engaged working-class audiences in industrial towns. Northern England had a strong abolitionist sentiment, fuelled by economic links to the cotton industry, which relied on slave-produced raw materials. Equiano and other members of the Sons of Africa travelled through towns like Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds, delivering speeches and lectures to build grassroots support for abolition. This speaking circuit was crucial for building widespread support among people who were often disconnected from the political activities in London. Through direct engagement, the Sons of Africa influenced the views of working-class audiences who might otherwise have had little exposure to the abolitionist message. This grassroots advocacy contributed to a groundswell of public opinion that would ultimately pressure Parliament to act. The Sons of Africa left a lasting legacy, both within Britain and beyond. Their courageous and principled fight against slavery and racial injustice established a powerful example of Black-led activism and demonstrated the effectiveness of strategic, moral, and legislative advocacy. The group’s efforts culminated in the passing of the Slave Trade Act of 1807, which banned British involvement in the transatlantic slave trade, and later influenced the complete abolition of slavery across the British Empire in 1833. The writings of Equiano and Cugoano continue to be studied as seminal works in the history of abolitionism and the literature of resistance. By speaking truth to power, these men made invaluable contributions to the cause of human rights, bringing the experiences and voices of Black people to the forefront of British abolitionism. The Sons of Africa were more than just a footnote in the history of abolition. Their activism, writings, and legal efforts challenged the foundations of the British slave trade and changed the course of history. By lobbying for legislation, participating in landmark legal cases, and speaking directly to the public, they used every avenue available to advocate for an end to slavery. Their work in support of the 1788 Slave Act, their involvement in cases like the Zong massacre and the Somerset case, and their dedication to raising awareness through public lectures in northern England were all instrumental in the abolitionist movement. Today, the legacy of the Sons of Africa serves as a reminder of the power of Black agency, resilience, and leadership in the ongoing fight for justice and equality. Their courage and commitment laid the groundwork for future generations to continue challenging systems of oppression and seeking a more just society for all.

We're challenging everyone to celebrate Black History Month UK in a different way each day of October! International Black History Month is commemorated across the world in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Northern Ireland and the Netherlands. We’ve been celebrating it in the United Kingdom since the 1980s and we’re challenging all our supporters to celebrate Black British History in a different way each day of October. Here are 31 ways you can celebrate #BlackHistoryMonthUK this month: Spread the word on our campaign theme campaign theme of 'Legacies of Action'  by sharing any of our campaign videos  or making and sharing a post on your social media platform   Support a Black-owned business on Black Pound Day on 1st October Visit the Black Cultural archives in Brixton, London Donate or Sign up to a Black British organisation or charity Host a Black movie night (or marathon if you have the stamina!) Spend time with a Black elder in your community Read a Black British author Host a Black British History Quiz ( why not try one of our quizzes ) Support Black British media and press (check out our Black British movies and TV shows recommendations ) Sign up to mentor a vulnerable Black child in your community Subscribe to a Black British social media influencer Explore Black History in your local area for landmarks and plaques and don't forget to snap a picture and tag us @bhmuk_landmarks on Instagram Decorate your home in Black art Explore Black British archives - why not explore local archives or online resources like the National Archive , George Padmore Institute , Black Cultural Archives collections and FHALMA - The Huntley Archives . Read the biography of an influential Black figure Schedule some me-time to recharge your batteries if you’re dealing with casual racism at work or any other environments Visit a Black exhibition in your local museum or library Host a Black History Month UK-themed dinner party Explore the rich cultures of Black Britain, from pre-colonial Black Britons and the Windrush generation to post-1980s migrants, by visiting events like the Nigerian Modernism Art exhibition. Suggest a Black author for your book club ( check out our top reads for the month ) Attend or host a Black culture event in your community Study the history of the Black and African diaspora across the globe Contribute a blog to a Black media outlet Try a new African or Caribbean recipe Book a Black History walking tour Donate blood Listen to a podcast by a Black Content provider Explore some Black British music from the past (you can start with our Spotify playlist !) Learn about an unsung Black British hero Register to vote Take on our #BHMFamilies challenge and don't forget to tag us @ibhmuk on Instagram

This October, as we celebrate the theme “Celebrating Our Changemakers” , we pay tribute to those whose courage and creativity have shaped the story of Black Britain. Among them stands Obi Benue Egbuna, a Nigerian writer, activist and organiser whose voice helped ignite the Black Power movement in the UK. His life reminds us that change often begins with words, conviction and the refusal to accept injustice as inevitable. When Obi Egbuna arrived in Britain in the early 1960s, the country was still struggling to understand what it meant to live beyond empire. The streets of London promised opportunity to some, but for many Black migrants from the Caribbean, Africa and South Asia, it was a place of closed doors, cold shoulders and constant struggle. Into this atmosphere stepped a young Nigerian writer whose fierce intelligence and deep belief in equality would make him one of the defining figures of his generation. Born in July 1938 in Ozubulu, Anambra State, Nigeria, Egbuna grew up in modest circumstances. His father’s death when he was fourteen left him with a sense of responsibility far beyond his years. Though he first planned to study law, his gift for writing and his determination to challenge inequality led him down a different path. His academic promise earned him a scholarship to study in the United Kingdom, where he arrived in 1961, ready to build a new life. He later continued his studies at the University of Iowa and Howard University in the United States, experiences that deepened his political consciousness and sharpened his understanding of global Black struggle. Britain in the 1960s was a place of tension and transformation. Racial discrimination was open and unchecked, and the voices of Black people were largely ignored. Egbuna, inspired by the liberation movements sweeping across Africa and the radical ideas of Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, refused to stay quiet. In 1967 he helped form the Universal Coloured People’s Association (UCPA), one of Britain’s first Black Power groups. That same year, standing in Trafalgar Square, he issued his Black Power Manifesto , calling for unity, dignity and resistance. For Egbuna, Black Power was never just a slogan. It was a philosophy that joined the struggles against racism and class exploitation. In his essays and pamphlets, including Black Power or Death  and The ABC of Black Power Thought , he spoke plainly about injustice and the need for self-determination. He argued that Black people in Britain had to see themselves as a united political force, regardless of whether they came from Africa, the Caribbean or South Asia. This belief in collective identity — later known as “political Blackness ” — was at the heart of his activism. Egbuna openly invited South Asians to join the Black Panther movement, insisting that unity across communities was essential if they were to dismantle the structures of racism that affected them all. In 1968, building on his work with the UCPA, Egbuna helped to establish the British Black Panther Movement. The group was inspired by the American Panthers but shaped by the unique realities of life in Britain. They organised self-defence groups, fought housing discrimination, and campaigned against police brutality, immigration raids and the constant harassment of young Black people. They held educational meetings, published newsletters and built networks of support that gave a generation of activists the confidence to speak out. That same year, however, the state struck back. In July 1968, Egbuna was arrested after police raids on his home uncovered draft leaflets he had written for the UCPA, calling for resistance to police violence. The authorities claimed the documents “incited murder” and “threatened police officers” — language that revealed more about official fear of Black activism than about any real threat. Although other members of the UCPA had previously been fined under the Race Relations Act 1965 for incitement to racial violence, Egbuna’s case went further, testing the limits of free speech and political dissent. He was tried at the Old Bailey in November and December 1968, accused of “uttering a document” that encouraged violence against the police. The trial became a defining moment in Britain’s confrontation with its own racial politics. Egbuna defended his right to call out oppression, arguing that resistance to racism was not hatred but self-defence. Although he was acquitted of the most serious charges, the proceedings exposed how the state sought to criminalise the Black Power movement and silence its leaders. The experience also showed the strength of Egbuna’s conviction — that truth, even when punished, must be spoken. After his arrest and trial, Egbuna gradually stepped back from leadership, passing the reins of the British Black Panthers to Altheia Jones-LeCointe, a Trinidadian-born scientist and activist who became one of the most prominent women in the movement. Under her guidance, the Panthers grew into a more community-based organisation, focusing on education, women’s leadership and practical support for Black families facing discrimination. That transition, rooted in Egbuna’s original vision but evolving through new voices, showed how revolutionary movements can adapt and survive. Alongside his political work, Egbuna remained a devoted writer. His novels and plays, including Wind Versus Polygamy  (later republished as Elina ), The Anthill , The Madness of Didi  and Daughters of the Sun , explored love, power, tradition and change. He rejected labels that sought to box in his creativity. “I don’t write African plays or English plays,” he said. “A writer just writes plays.” It was a simple but powerful statement about freedom and identity, and it reflected the same defiant spirit that shaped his politics. In 1972, weary of police surveillance and eager to contribute to cultural life back home, Egbuna returned to Nigeria. Invited by Ukpabi Asika, then administrator of the East Central State, he established a Writers Workshop in Enugu and mentored emerging authors. He wrote for television and newspapers, including his column Author’s Diary  in Renaissance , where he reflected on literature, politics and Pan-African unity. Though he had left Britain behind, his work continued to speak to the global struggle for Black liberation. Egbuna passed away in 2014 in Washington, DC, aged seventy-five. His name may not appear in every textbook, but his influence runs through the history of Black activism in Britain. The groundwork he laid helped shape later movements led by figures such as Altheia Jones-LeCointe, Darcus Howe and Olive Morris. His insistence that art and politics are inseparable continues to inspire writers and activists today. As we mark Black History Month UK 2024, celebrating our changemakers means honouring people like Obi Egbuna. He reminds us that resistance comes in many forms and that creativity can be a revolutionary act. His life bridges continents, linking Nigeria to Britain, art to protest and imagination to freedom. In remembering him, we also remember the countless voices who stood beside him, determined to make Britain a fairer place for all. To celebrate Obi Egbuna is to recognise that changemakers are often those who speak up when silence feels safer. His story reminds us that history is not only made by those in power, but by those who challenge it with courage, conviction and creativity. His voice still echoes, urging us to keep building, keep questioning and keep believing that a better world is possible. Sources: Wikipedia: Obi Egbuna JRank: Obi B. Egbuna (Obi Benue Egbuna) https://face2faceafrica.com/article/the-story-of-the-nigerian-freedom-fighter-who-founded-the-british-black-panthers https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/explore-the-collection/stories/british-black-panthers-hq/ https://www.elrec.org.uk/british-black-panther-party/ https://www.illuminationsmedia.co.uk/obi-egbuna-and-the-bbc-the-story-continued